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1.
何颖  马晓红 《攀登》2014,33(4):13-18
邓小平一生致力于中国特色社会主义道路、制度和理论的探索与实践,特别是将很大的精力集中在中国特色社会主义意识形态建设上。他从马克思主义意识形态观出发,科学阐明了新时期意识形态建设必须坚持马克思主义、毛泽东思想的指导地位,形成了意识形态与党的中心工作的关系及党如何坚守核心价值观等一系列重要思想、观点和论断,形成了独具特色的邓小平意识形态理论。邓小平对中国特色社会主义意识形态建设做出了杰出的理论贡献,不仅成为引领社会、凝聚人心、推动发展的强大支撑,而且对新形势下进一步加强党对意识形态引领作用,为全面深化改革开放提供了强大的精神动力和坚强的思想保证,对党、对国家、对民族具有根本性、战略性、全局性意义。  相似文献   

2.
中共十一届三中全会与此前的中共中央工作会议重新确立了党的马克思主义的路线,形成了以邓小平为核心的党的第二代中央领导集体,从而开启了改革开放历史新时期,实现了中国当代史上的伟大转折。这一转折不是自然形成的,而是大多数与会代表在老一辈无产阶级革命家带动和支持下通过斗争取得的;但也不是偶然发生的,而是粉碎四人帮之后到会议召开前的两年,党内正确力量在思想上、组织上所做的大量准备工作与国内外形势发展相互作用的必然结果,是或迟或早总会发生的。它既不是一般方针、政策的转变,也不是社会主义基本制度的改变,而是从对什么是社会主义、怎样建设社会主义的问题由不完全清楚到比较清楚的转变。从探索中国自己的建设社会主义的道路到开辟中国特色社会主义道路的转变,是以经济建设为中心、改革开放与四项基本原则的有机结合,是社会主义制度的自我完善和发展。三中全会以来30年的实践告诉我们,中国面对新的历史条件,不改革不开放没有出路。改革开放不坚持社会主义道路同样没有出路。  相似文献   

3.
正坚持党的历史自信源于党90多年来不懈的探索奋斗。在中国这样一个经济文化十分落后的东方大国,探索民族复兴的道路,实现中国人民的两大历史任务,即一是求得民族独立和人民解放;二是实现国家的繁荣富强和人民的共同富裕,过程极为艰难。近代以来,中国人民进行了不屈不挠的斗争,许多仁人志士接受过诸多"主义"、"思想",尝试过各种救国救民道路,但都失败了。直到诞生了中国共产党,中国革命的面貌才焕然一新。90多年来,从烽火连天的革命战争时期,到激情燃烧的建设岁月,再到波澜壮阔的改革开放新时期,一代又一代共产党人前赴后继,进行了艰苦奋斗和艰辛探索。中国特色社会主义就是在几代共产党人接续奋斗、接力探索中形成和发展起来的。以毛泽东同志为核心的党的第一代中央领导集体为新的历史时期开创中国特色社会主义提供了宝贵经验、  相似文献   

4.
##正##中国共产党在九十多年的奋斗历程中,成功开创出两条道路:第一条道路主要是解决民族独立和人民解放问题,这就是农村包围城市、武装夺取政权的中国特色革命道路;第二条道路主要是解决民族振兴和人民幸福问题,这就是改革开放和现代化建设的中国特色社会主义道路。  相似文献   

5.
<正>(2017年8月1日)习近平总书记在省部级主要领导干部专题研讨班"7·26"重要讲话中强调,中国特色社会主义是改革开放以来党的全部理论和实践的主题,全党必须高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜,牢固树立中国特色社会主义道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信,确保党和国家事业始终沿  相似文献   

6.
资本是人类在现代社会发展的重要因素。改革开放以来,中国共产党对资本的渐进认识和创新实践相继经历了邓小平时期的大胆实践;江泽民时期的制度确认;胡锦涛时期的继续运用;习近平为核心的党中央全面驾驭式运用。与此相应,党对中国特色社会主义道路的探索也经历了道路开辟——道路巩固——道路拓展——道路臻善四个阶段。历时梳理改革开放以来党是如何在递进认识资本中,开辟、巩固、拓展、完善中国特色社会主义道路,不仅有助于人们丰富对资本的全面认识,更有助于深化资本服务经济新常态下当代中国特色社会主义伟大事业的建设。  相似文献   

7.
中共八大是社会主义建设时期马克思主义中国化进程中的一次极其重要的全国代表大会。作为党的第一代领导集体的核心成员,毛泽东为中共八大的准备、召开及其路线的贯彻落实付出了大量心血,作出了重要贡献。毛泽东向全党提出马克思主义和中国实际的"第二次结合"的历史任务,对国务院34个部门进行深入的经济调查,形成了《论十大关系》,为八大的召开奠定了思想基础;完善中央的组织架构,讨论和修改八大报告,提出八大的主题,保证了八大的胜利召开;贯彻落实八大路线,继续探索中国自己的社会主义建设道路。毛泽东围绕中共八大的探索,为成功地开辟中国特色社会主义道路,形成中国特色社会主义理论体系和构建中国特色社会主义制度提供了"宝贵经验、理论准备、物质基础"。  相似文献   

8.
吴玉敏 《攀登》2008,27(5):16-20
对中国社会改革开放重要意义的认识应置于现代化与中国特色社会主义相统一的视野中。无论是对改革开放历程的总结,还是对中国特色社会主义道路的认识,都必须基于中国社会现代化道路的曲折探索过程。唯有从这三个方面且将三者有机地联系起来进行全面认识,方可实现对改革开放历史作用的深刻判断。  相似文献   

9.
从1975年到1989年,邓小平曾长时间参与和主持中央军委领导工作。在这一时期,他以极大的精力关注国防和军队建设,从整顿军队入手,指导人民解放军拨乱反正,实现了国防和军队建设指导思想的战略转变,开创了中国特色精兵之路,使中国共产党创建和领导的人民解放军在建设现代化、正规化革命军队的道路上阔步前进,为捍卫国家独立、主权和社会主义事业提供了可靠的安全保障。邓小平对中国特色精兵之路的探索,是开创中国特色社会主义道路的重要内容,为新时期国防和军队建设做出了重要历史贡献。  相似文献   

10.
孙萍 《攀登》2001,20(Z1):75-77
中国共产党领导的80年,是把马克思主义与中国革命实践相结合的80年.建国以后,中国共产党领导中国人民在不断探索中前进,寻找建设社会主义的道路;在改革开放实践中,创立了邓小平理论,找到了一条建设有中国特色的社会主义道路;党的第三代领导集体,在实践中运用、丰富邓小平理论,使之成为不断创新的行动指南.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

Primary challenges on an incumbent’s more extreme flank have become increasingly common in congressional elections. We explore the consequences on the legislative behavior of successful incumbents following these types of challenges. We propose that the effect of extreme ideological primary challenges is conditioned on whether the member belongs to the majority or the minority party. We test our expectations on primary elections from 2000 to 2012 and corresponding changes in voting behavior in the next Congress. We find that incumbents in the majority party who have defeated an extreme ideological primary challenge are less likely to support their party, especially on key votes. We expect this reaction is because they fear appearing too moderate and thereby encouraging another extreme ideological primary challenge. We find that incumbents in the minority party who face an extreme ideological challenge do not change their general voting behavior, but are more likely to vote with their party on key votes.  相似文献   

12.
"三个代表"重要思想的形成经历了一个长时期的酝酿过程,体现了江泽民准确把握当今世界发展趋势和我国社会发生的一系列变化的战略智慧,是科学总结我们党80年奋斗、特别是20多年改革开放实践经验的必然结论,是深刻思考世界上一些政党兴衰和我们党执政面临的严峻挑战的思想结晶,是创造性地继承和发展马列主义、毛泽东思想、特别是邓小平理论的最新成果。  相似文献   

13.
Women’s movements in Africa represent one of the key societal forces challenging state clientelistic practices, the politicization of communal differences, and personalized rule. In the 1980s and 1990s we have witnessed not only the demise of patronage‐based women’s wings that were tied to ruling parties, but also the concurrent growth of independent women’s organizations with more far‐reaching agendas. The emergence of such autonomous organizations has been a consequence of the loss of state legitimacy, the opening‐up of political space, economic crisis, and the shrinking of state resources. Drawing on examples from Africa, this article shows why independent women’s organizations and movements have often been well situated to challenge clientelistic practices tied to the state. Gendered divisions of labour, gendered organizational modes and the general exclusion of women from both formal and informal political arenas have defined women’s relationship to the state, to power, and to patronage. These characteristics have, on occasion, put women’s movements in a position to challenge various state‐linked patronage practices. The article explores some of the implications of these challenges.  相似文献   

14.
司马迁的地理学思想及其历史地位   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
本文以全新的视角对《史记》一书的地理学内容进行了整体分析和评价,认为除《河渠书》和《货殖列传》而外,散见于《史记》全书的地理学资料皆有较高的学术价值。在此基础上,作者指出天地人合一的大地理观、囊括中外的大视野和原始察终的动态地理现构成了司马迁完善的地理学思想体系。司马迁不仅对中国古典地理学有开创之功,其地理学思想更对后世中国地理学的发展生了巨大影响。  相似文献   

15.
Does environmental regulation vary over poor and minority communities? An uneven governmental response may follow from regulators' varying incentives to negotiate enforcement challenges. We argue that regulators confront two in particular. Regulators can pursue political enforcement, responding to mobilized interests, regardless of environmental risk, or they can pursue instrumental enforcement, responding to at‐risk communities, regardless of political mobilization. To examine these competing strategies, we use an original dataset from the EPA's Risk‐Screening Environmental Indicators model to develop a geographic “riskscape” combined with census tract community data and facility‐level enforcement data. We find that state regulatory agencies pursue a mixture of political and instrumental enforcement, but that these tactics are applied unevenly across traditional environmental justice communities. Specifically, state agencies devote more attention to facilities in communities with relatively higher risk, but less attention in the area of punishment for violations for facilities located in Hispanic communities. Importantly, this lack of attention to Hispanic communities is not mediated by the relative level of risks that they face, but it is to a significant extent in communities in which environmental justice advocacy organizations operate.  相似文献   

16.
This article examines how Interkit, the Soviet-controlled ‘anti-China International’, evaluated the development of Sino-Indochinese relations, and which contribution the Vietnamese and Laotian delegations made to the forum’s meetings. It investigates how the various shifts in Sino-Soviet and Soviet-US relations enhanced or reduced Vietnam’s relative importance in Soviet strategy. It describes how the Kremlin sought to dissuade its East European satellites from responding to Beijing’s overtures by presenting the Sino-Vietnamese conflict as evidence of China’s belligerence, and examines the ideological linkage between Soviet superpower hegemony over Eastern Europe and Vietnamese regional hegemony over Indochina.  相似文献   

17.
试析旅游咨询中心   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
本从探索国外旅游信息中心出发,对我国旅游咨询中心发展进行了战略分析,并结合上海旅游咨询服务中心的运作,指出我国旅游咨询中心的发展前景在于开展电子商务、设计旅游产品和担任政府制定政策的顾问。  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

The purpose of this commentary is to explore the sources of decision-making by President Obama. Specifically, the article notes his strong foundation in legal education, law journal editing, and early occupational activities related to law practice. It is observed that a legalist cast of mind rather than broad statements about race, class, and nation define the Obama early period in office. These considerations are often at the center of presidential options chosen, especially in areas of foreign policy and global challenges. The article claims that “legalism” serves to place serious limits on initiatives and independent actions, but also serves to put a brake on tendencies to impose a new imperial presidency. Such ideological checks and balances show unique dimensions to this president, but also continuity with past limits to extremism.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

David Walsh has published a trilogy of books on the ideological, political, and philosophical trajectories of modernity. He confronts the crisis of modernity and argues that modernity has the resources within itself to reestablish a collective commitment to the order of existence. This symposium offers four essays reflecting on and responding to Walsh's assessment of modernity and its prospects.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract. Employing recent anthropological perspectives on ethnicity and nationalism which have not yet been applied to any extent in research on cultural differentiation in Namibia, the article investigates problems and challenges in the process of nation-building in the recently independent state. Ethnicity and nationalism are here seen as socially constructed and ideologically practised phenomena, and the relationship between these ideologies is studied as one of ideological conflict. More particularly, the article investigates the formation, relevance and uses of ethnic identities; the relationship between ethnicity, class and the politics of ethnic nationalism; as well as some techniques, rhetorics and symbols employed in the social construction of nationalism in Namibia. In conclusion, the article argues the importance of making the nation-building project relevant to people not only through the creation of ever more effective and inclusive national symbols, but also through real economic and political reforms.  相似文献   

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