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This article examines the psychiatric screening of U.S. soldiers during the Second World War, established by psychiatrist Harry Stack Sullivan (1892-1949), as a key moment in the public application of clinical psychiatry, as well as a turning point in Sullivan's intellectual and professional career. After a brief look at the ideas and expectations Sullivan brought to the screening system, I discuss a major problem of the screening: the mismatch between the medical concept of disease prevention and the realities of the mass screening as a public policy. As a way to highlight this mismatch, I focus on Sullivan's failure to protect homosexual men from medical and social stigmatization by screening them out of the armed forces. Despite his liberal approach to the issue of homosexuality before the war, which he had created in his clinical practice, Sullivan was unable to persuade the military and the public of gay men's right to serve the nation. The examination of how his sympathetic view of homosexuality became circumscribed reveals not only the gap between clinical insights and public policy, but also how tentative views of homosexuality in public debate among liberal psychiatrists during the decade preceding the war contributed to the failure to make non-homophobic policy in the 1940s. This article shows that the relative conservatism in the politics of sexuality among liberal psychiatrists, as well as the intransigent conservatism as seen in homophobic tradition of the Army, contributed to the discriminatory screening criteria.  相似文献   

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"This paper explores the development of a so-called asylum 'buffer zone' around the eastern frontiers of the west European region as a result of the Schengen, EU and EFTA member states' introduction of more restrictive asylum policies during the first half of the 1990s. Restrictive policies in western Europe are forcing central and east European states into a 'buffer role', obliging them to absorb asylum-seekers who fail to gain entry into western Europe and/or restrict asylum-seekers' access to the borders of potential 'receiving' states. In addition to examining the mechanisms by which this 'buffer zone' is developing and questioning what it might mean for future asylum trends and policies in Europe, the paper considers the wider questions raised by this development in relation to the changing geopolitical landscape of Europe, particularly in relation to the changing political and security relations between western, central and eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union."  相似文献   

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论"民俗问题"与"辨风正俗"   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
民俗是人类社会长时期相沿积久而形成的习俗惯制、礼仪、信仰、风尚等民间文化传承现象的总和,是经群体或社会约定俗成并流行、传承的民间文化模式,是规范个体行为、社会秩序和调解社会心理的非主导性生活模式。民俗作为社会物质生活与精神生活样式的复合模式,是在一定程度上制约社会文明进程的基本要素,具有对社会生活制衡与调控的功能。  相似文献   

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民国时期尤其是军阀政治时期,军阀政权对乡村进行掠夺性剥夺,加之兵匪纵横,使整个社会由于缺乏现代动员方式,导致现代国家的基层防卫体系在乡村地区极为薄弱。在此背景下,以红枪会为代表的民间秘密结社组织,在民国时期尤其是在军阀政治时期席卷了整个华北地区,一时成为当时农民反抗军阀、抵御土匪的一个重要手段。在此过程中,宗教仪式与神秘性成为红枪会社会动员的一种有力工具与主要特征,而自卫与动乱则是红枪会在这一时期带给乡村社会的两面。  相似文献   

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杨奎松 《史学月刊》2002,2(7):63-73
蒋介石对工农运动的态度,无疑是导致他与共产党关系恶化的一个重要原因。而值得注意的是,在北伐开始后的一段时间里,广东的工人运动,特别是农民运动虽然出现了回潮的现象,但北伐军北上所过之境,包括蒋介石指挥的部队所过之江西、福建等省,工农运动仍旧取得了相当的发展。这种情况至少说明,蒋介石对工农运动的态度其实颇为矛盾。  相似文献   

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蒋介石从"三二0"到"四一二"的心路历程   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
杨奎松 《史学月刊》2002,(6):70-79,104
蒋介石从“三二0”走向“四一二”,从尝试“限共”最终走向公开反共,经历了一个相当复杂的并且是充满了矛盾心理的转变过程。其实,蒋介石并没有像以往一些著作所说的那样,从“三二0”之后开始,就处心积虑地准备清党反共。相反,走向“四一二”最初并不在他的设想之中。其对容共政策的态度转变,固然带有某种程度的必然性,但也带有相当程度的偶然性。深入考察蒋在这一过程中心态与环境矛盾冲突的复杂情况,对全面了解国共两党历史恩怨的形成或能有所帮助。  相似文献   

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二十世纪二十年代初 ,由敬奠瀛在山东泰安马庄创建的“耶稣家庭” ,是一个独特的宗教团体 ,它在全国发展了 12 7个“小家” ,在宗教界有广泛的影响。“耶稣家庭”是基督教的变异物 ,“家庭”中实行的禁欲主义和基督教共产主义 ,使这个宗教团体有着鲜明的个性。  相似文献   

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试析太原纯阳宫的“冷”与“热”   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
纯阳宫地处太原市五一广场西北角,坐北朝南,现为五进院落,占地面积约9000平方米。相传,元代著名道士长春子邱处机的大弟子宋德芳曾主持过这座道观。据《山西通志》记载,明万历二十五年(1597),晋王朱新扬、范朝引等人捐资,对纯阳宫进  相似文献   

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