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This refreshingly straightforward book mostly lets the narratorsspeak for themselves, but what sociologist Khoo has to say aboutthe process of oral history is also very interesting. Khoo spentfive years living amongst and interviewing ex-guerilla fightersin southern Thailand, including the sixteen women featured here. The term "Malaya" refers to the Malayan peninsula (now the westernstates of Malaysia) and the island of Singapore. The Britishbegan to colonize Malaya in 1786, staying in control until theJapanese occupied the peninsula during World War II. Malayansresisted their Japanese rulers; the British fled. After theJapanese surrendered in 1945, the Malayan People's Anti-JapaneseArmy briefly governed Malaya. The British returned the followingyear. 相似文献
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《中国西藏(英文版)》1999,(5)
Qomolangmoisthehighestpeakintheworld.Toweringoverthesurroundingareas,itstandsastheborderofChinaandNenal.Recently,wedrovealongtheroadatitsfoot,andvisitedfarIners,monks,nunsandworkersinvolvedintheenvironmentalprotection.YAKTRANSPORTTEAMS.Yaksareaffec-tionatelyreferredtoasboatsonthehighland.Theyareindispensableforthemountaineers.RidingmotorvehiclesinLhasafortheCampingGroundviaXigazeandTingri,themountaineersreachanelevationof5,200meters.Qomolango,rising8,848.13meters,standontheway.Ya… 相似文献
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为共产主义事业奋斗到底的一生--我所了解的晚年陈云(上) 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
陈云同志的一生是坚贞不渝的共产主义者的一生。他在晚年作为党的第二代中央领导集体的重要成员,为共产主义事业奋斗到底的精神,突出表现在他对改革开放的社会主义方向的把握上,对党的重大原则的坚持上,对党和国家战略的深谋远虑上,对人民群众切身利益的关心上以及对个人的严格要求上。在党的建设方面,他思考最多的,除了搞好党风外,主要是如何端正思想路线、保证党内民主和选拔优秀中青年干部的问题。在经济建设方面,他总是从国家的全局和长远利益出发,关注那些影响我们长期发展的制约因素;并且对计划与市场的关系进行了深入思考,为在微观搞活的同时加强宏观控制提供了理论依据。他时刻挂念人民群众的疾苦,关心群众的切身利益,并力求在制订具体政策中加以体现。他在晚年依然保持谦虚谨慎、顾全大局、艰苦朴素、克己奉公的作风,为我们树立了永葆共产党人政治本色的光辉榜样。 相似文献
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How did Kirchnerismo, initially a motley coalition of progressive Peronists and born-again Menemistas and Duhaldistas trying to scrape together some form of governability from the 2001 default, turn into one of the ‘pink tide’ governments most virulently hated by the Right? Why did long-forgotten concepts and terminologies from the epic past of revolutionary struggle suddenly resurface in the context of what, at least from the viewpoint of the autonomist Left, was hardly more than a mildly redistributive administration of scarcity, aided by the post-millennial commodity boom? In this intervention, historian Javier Trímboli urges us to take seriously some of the discursive anachronisms that flourished during Néstor and Cristina Kirchner’s periods in office (2003–2015), which, he suggests, rather than merely a form of discursive cover for clientelist politics, may have been symptomatic of the way in which some of the foundational fault-lines of modern Argentine society continue to shape political identities, styles and forms of struggle in the present. 相似文献
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Robert E. Gilbert 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(2):83-102
Power relationships between the executive and legislative branches in the United States are affected by the nature and shape of public opinion. Both branches actively seek the stamp of popular approval but the President has advantages in the struggle for public attention that are vital in the exercise of his powers. Television, in the coverage it gives to presidential activities and pseudo-activities, provides the President with an opportunity to move and lead the nation. Although we are a nation of shared powers, television projects the message that we are a presidential nation and that message is affecting both popular perceptions and power relationships on the national level. 相似文献
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John Flint 《国际历史评论》2013,35(3):433-440
WILLIAM FREUND. The Making of Contemporary Africa: The Development of African Society since 1800. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984. Pp. 357. $19.50 (US); MAI FALMBERO, ed. The Struggle for Africa, trans. E.M.K. Andree, Mai Palmberg, and Howard Simson. London: Zed Press, 1983. Pp. iii, 286. $31.95 (Can.).Reviewed by John Flint 相似文献