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1.
针对《六胡州古城址的发现及其环境意义》关于唐前期"六胡州"地区的行政建制沿革和六州治城位置定位的研究,提出了商榷及质疑。所谓"鲁、丽、含、塞、依、契六州自西向东分布"的立论基础是主观臆想。由此出发推断的"六胡州"治城位置,以及兰池都督府城的地望,并不可信。《六胡州》作者在行文时出现诸如先入为主的臆断、时间概念不清、空间概念错讹、制度概念模糊、地名概念含混的状况,直接地影响着该文的学术见解之可靠性,因而难于成立。在现阶段,"六胡州"古城定位研究,仍有待继续与深入。  相似文献   

2.
唐朝在突厥降户中贾胡的处理上采取把他们安置在适合生活的地方,并对之进行驱使的办法。这典型的表现在"六胡州"州城的建置及其运用之上。六胡州设于"河曲"之地的中西部一带,介于六州中的灵州、夏州之间,是指鲁、丽、塞、含、依、契等六小州。在突厥降户中,主要是贾胡降户被集体安置在这些州城之内。这些州城位于今内蒙古自治区河套地区的最南段一带,以及长城以北较为狭窄的地区,属于北方著名的湖泽地区,利于养马。六胡州民之所以主要由贾胡降户来组成,是因为他们具有养马等技术特长。他们在六胡州的州城内受到统治,并受驱使从事养马的工作。六胡州在高宗调露元年建置,这时唐朝正好遭遇养马大量丧失的危机,这是建置六胡州的重要原因。此外,六胡州因"以唐人为刺史",而不称羁縻州。六胡州民居于州城内的"坊"里。他们不一定都一直活动在州城之内,但应"编籍"在州城中一定区域的名称之下。  相似文献   

3.
六胡州古城址的发现及其环境意义   总被引:15,自引:0,他引:15  
本文在追溯唐代六胡州的建置与“灵、夏之间”行政沿革的基础上,通过对内蒙古、宁夏、陕西三省区交界处,即毛乌素沙地西南缘的实地考察,并依据考古与文献资料,初步确定了今鄂托克前旗与盐池县境内的六个唐代古城址与六胡州的对应关系。从古城址的时空分布格局、选址条件、人类活动方式等出发,阐述了六胡州古城址的环境指示意义。唐初六胡州北部已经有比较严重的土地沙漠化问题,而六胡州一带建城时因受早期沙漠化过程的影响,在局部地形部位可能分布有地表积沙。  相似文献   

4.
至德元年(756年),六胡州受安史叛军招诱东出投奔叛军,被以原经略军的建制安置在范阳。由于这种变故,唐在宝应(762—763年)后废除宥州。贞元二年(786年)六州胡从石州被迁往云、朔。元和九年唐复置宥州经略军,居民却是神策军行营兵士及家属。至于迁往云、朔的六胡州,由于沙陀东迁进入其中之故,六胡州内已是沙陀与六州残胡杂处,且六州胡处干沙陀押领之下。六胡州是唐为管理突厥降户中的中亚昭武九姓而设置,其居民六州胡主体是昭武九姓,且是昭武九姓中柘羯类  相似文献   

5.
唐调露元年设六胡州,长安四年并为匡、长二州。神龙三年于此二州地设兰池都督府,分六州为县。过去学界多认为,此兰池都督府即《新唐书.地理志七》所记灵州都督府所属党项羁縻府州"兰池都督府"。本文考辨以为两兰池都督府非同一,原六胡州所设应为"兰池州"或"兰池州都督府";并考释兰池州所辖六县中,可知的有长泉县和塞门县。  相似文献   

6.
沈骞 《南方文物》2014,(1):201-202
<正>姜伯勤先生在《中国祆教艺术史研究》一书中的《唐安菩墓三彩骆驼所见"盛于皮袋"的祆神——兼论六胡州突厥人与粟特人之祆神崇拜》一文中提出①:六胡州粟特人、唐定远将军安菩墓所出一具唐三彩骆驼鞍鞯皮囊上有一神兽型神像,为研究六胡州粟特人文化与突厥人文化的互动,提供了极为珍贵的线索,初唐以迄盛唐,由于粟特人在突厥部落  相似文献   

7.
会州为唐代丝绸之路上重要的交通枢纽,控扼黄河渡口,其故址为今甘肃省白银市平川区水泉镇柳州古城;该镇的陡城堡并非唐会州州治,而是明代的一处军事驻所。文中还考得,柳州古城附近的缠州古城为西汉鹑阴县、东汉鹯阴县城。本文最后还结合对于唐代会州城址等考证的实例,就如何考察研究古代城址谈了一些工作上的体会。  相似文献   

8.
清至民国时期徽州无契土地房屋所有权认定考略   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文以清代以来遗存的徽州文书为研究对象,探讨当土地房屋所有权的凭证如佥业票、买卖典当赤契遭兵燹、火灾、水灾或其他原因损毁后,作为土地管理制度的一个环节,怎样进行所有权的重新认定和补发凭证的,并对这一过程做了一些分析研究.认为:清代徽州对无契土地管理处于民报官理阶段,民国初期以后对无契业户管理逐步受到重视,建立了一些制度,并不断地进行完善.  相似文献   

9.
本文将中京道地区发现的78处城址以城墙周长3600米和1000米为界,分为大、中、小三类,并由此分析了府、方州、县、头下州等各等第城址在规模上的差异,提出政治因素自上而下的作用,经济因素自下而上的作用以及自然环境因素的制约作用共同影响了中京道内城址规模的大小。在城址分布与选址方面,大型城址的营建选址主要受到了自然环境的影响;中型城址在各区域均匀散布,便于自身行政管理职能的实施;小型城址主要沿中京道边缘,特别是西部和东南部交通要道分布,凸显了交通枢纽及军事障塞的功能。  相似文献   

10.
辽代渌州不在渤海国鸭渌府旧地,已迁往辽东.从有关文献和考古资料研究,渌州城址应在海、辰两州以西的近海之地.从出土两墓志所见的"辰渌盐院"记载,证明辽辰州(今盖州市)与辽置的渌州合置一个盐院,推断渌州城址应距辰州(今盖州市)不会太远.依定渌州城址的4个必备条件看,将今天大石桥市沟沿镇青城村发现的辽城址定为辽代迁徙后所置的渌州故城址似较合适.  相似文献   

11.
今四川、贵州、云南三省交界地区,唐宋曾是泸州都督府、泸州属地,先后置有19个羁縻州、50多个羁縻县,但唐宋地志对其具体地望记载不够确切,后之治史地者往往不得要领。谭其骧、刘统、蒲孝荣、贾大泉、史为乐等对这些羁縻州的地望也有不同的解释,所惜不见有文字考证。笔者据有关史料,考证了泸属西部11个羁縻州、30多个县的建置沿革、交通格局和具体地望,并对各家的定点进行了商榷,最后以地图形式复原了这些羁縻州县的分布情况。  相似文献   

12.
Traditionally, museums spaces have tended to be located in the central areas of cities, thereby reinforcing existing dynamics and limiting their potential impact on more peripheral areas. The present study examines the locations chosen for museums that have been opened in three European cities: Barcelona, Paris and Turin, between the years 2000 and 2013. It shows how the locating of museums and galleries has not been homogeneous and how each potential location has its strengths and weaknesses. This is particularly evident when we consider such factors as the environmental impact of museums and how they influence the commercial offer, image and attractiveness of their host city. This paper identifies and examines the different types of impact that museum location strategies have on urban areas.  相似文献   

13.
自然环境与云南历史文化城镇形象设计   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
云南复杂多样的自然环境对当地历史文化城镇的形象构成有着普遍而深刻的影响。考虑自然环境特点的云南历史文化城镇形象设计应遵循尊重和顺应自然的亲和原则,将自然与人文因素相结合的综合性原则,以及将城镇与其所在的自然环境统一考虑的整体性原则。同时要高度关注自然环境在城镇理念形象构成中的重要作用。在城镇视觉形象设计中,要注重城乡景观协调的整体效果,反映其田园山水城镇特色;注重三维景观效果;注重视觉体验的心理特点分析,组织景观层次系列;注重对城镇建筑色彩的控制。  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

Death is the one heritage that everyone shares and it has been an element of tourism longer than any other form of heritage. This paper looks at the historical development of Thanatoptic elements in travel and shows how the Dark Tourism to which this issue is devoted can be located within a historical tradition which sheds light on how it should be defined, typified and viewed today  相似文献   

15.
楚汉时期重要地名"青阳"的位置一直是未得确解的千年谜题。本文指出,秦汉时的青阳,指的是长沙郡(国)青阳县,治地位于今湖南湘阴北境青山岛上;史籍所谓"荆王献青阳以西",指的是前278年楚顷襄王通过楚秦会盟,把湘江以西以洞庭平原为主体的区域割给秦国;史籍所谓"越水长沙,还舟青阳"八字,意为越人水攻长沙(后),(北上)聚舟船于青阳。青阳位置谜题的解决,有利于楚国末年以至汉初洞庭平原自然面貌的认识。  相似文献   

16.
信息时代我国电子商铺区位取向的实证分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
随着电子商铺的日益发展,信息时代地理区位的重要性成为地理学所关注的重要问题。以我国淘宝网电子商铺为例,解剖网购交易完成的全过程中所涉及的服务空间、物质往来以及资金交付等,从微观角度对互联网下电子商铺的区位取向进行实证研究。研究表明电子商铺有明显的区位取向,互联网应用技术与普及环境、配送空间的易接近性、第三方支付体系是影响其区位的三个主要因素。区别于传统的商业模式,电子商铺依托于发达的互联网上,不再受实体地理空间限制,但其网络结构式的经营模式使其仍依赖传统的地理区位。  相似文献   

17.
High-skilled groups are regarded as a key asset for economic growth and urban development and are thus increasingly targeted by cities. Within this context, the paper analyses the effects of urban decline and intra-national migration trends on cities. The impact of both processes on population development varies considerably between cities and regions and calls for micro- and macro-level policy responses. The contribution focuses on the local impact of the (out-)migration of higher-skilled groups and addresses the research questions: how do local stakeholders and decision-makers evaluate the consequences of the out-migration of highly qualified residents and how are they responding? Our analysis combines the findings of two research projects and draws mainly on qualitative data. The case studies are located in Germany and comprise three medium-sized cities outside of major agglomerations and three large cities within metropolitan areas. The six cities share the common characteristic of urban decline as a result of structural change and have been experiencing population decline. While medium-sized cities lose the highly skilled after they complete schooling, larger old industrial cities lose them after they complete higher education degrees. The paper discusses the implications of intra-national migration for these cities.  相似文献   

18.
Linguistics and archaeology have been, and continue to be, entwined in the discourse on the early human history of the Pacific. It is commonly assumed, explicitly or otherwise, that the bearers of the Lapita culture were speakers of Proto-Oceanic, the ancestor of the Austronesian languages of most of the Pacific. In this discursive piece, the chronological data for the location and timing of the emergence of Lapita pottery are compared with the linguistic data for the source region of Proto-Oceanic. Although both pottery and proto-language may possibly originate in the same location, this is not the most likely scenario if the evidence from the two disciplines is evaluated independently. There is no necessary historical association for the emergence of the Proto-Oceanic language and Lapita pottery. The Proto-Oceanic language and Lapita pottery should not be assumed to represent a single historical vector, as is commonly the case; rather, they should be considered discrete and separate historical phenomena.  相似文献   

19.
A basic premise of archaeology is that the more frequently two human populations interacted with one another the more similar was their material culture. A corollary of this is that the closer two human populations are to one another geographically, the more frequently they will interact. This corollary has been expressed in the archaeological study of northern Iroquoia since the 1950s on the basis of historical ethnic territories. The expectation has been that after ca. A.D. 1000 to 1300 there was more interaction between village populations within these historical territories than between village populations located in different historical territories. Here I test this corollary with pottery decoration data from 114 northern Iroquoian village sites dating from c. A.D. 1350 to 1640. Results indicate that geographic distance has little effect on pottery assemblage similarity.  相似文献   

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