论促成1949年国共北平谈判的原因

国共双方由兵戎相见到北平谈判,由多方面因素促成:美国对国民党的干涉和压力,苏联对中共的影响;国民党企图以谈判拖延时间,争得喘息之机,中共为着揭露国民党的和谈阴谋,早日结束战争;国共双方力争实现各自确定的“联合政府”的目标等。双方在调整了斗争策略之后坐到了谈判桌前。     

全面内战初期国民党军事失利原因之辨析

国民党在战后国共内战中的失利．有诸多政治、经济、外交与社会层面之因素,但直接的原因仍应为其军事失利。本文以全面内战初期国民党之军事战略战术为中心,从战争爆发时的国共力量对比、战争爆发后国民党的军事战略和战术等方面,对国民党军事失利之原因作初步之考查与辨析,期使我们对国民党在内战中失利之缘由有更进一步之体认。在战争的实际进程中,谁胜谁负并不在于谁不犯错误,而往往在于谁的错误犯得更少,谁改正自己的错误更迅捷。当我们论及国民党军从战略到战术,从指挥到作战,从前方到后方,屡屡犯着同样的错误而不知或不能改正时,我们实际上已经可以判断这场战争最后的胜利者究属何方。     

1949年美国图谋分离台湾经过

国共大决战进入第四个年头，国民党在大陆的败局已定。美国从西太平洋“安全”的战略利益出发，图谋分离台湾，使之不落入中共之手，先是策动台湾“自治”，后又鼓吹联合国“托管”，可谓煞费心机，使尽解数。分离台湾政策的制定第二次世界大战期间，美国总统罗斯福为利用中国牵制日军，力主战后将被日本侵占的台湾归还中国。在他的积极斡旋下，取得英国和苏联的同意，并载入了（开罗宣言）和（波茨坦公告》。日本投降后，蒋介石发动内战，企图最终消灭共产党以达统一全国，殊不料事与愿违，损兵折将，丢城失地，濒临大厦之将倾。美国继任总…     

阎锡山与日寇的六次洽降密谈

从1937年“七七事变”到同年11月初,中国的抗日民族革命战争取得了重创日军的不小胜利,使日军付出了官兵伤亡和经济上的重大代价。日军想速战速决已不可能。日本为了尽快结束这场战争,急切希望蒋介石的南京中央政府对日妥协,甚至投降。与此同时,日本特务机关和已叛国投敌的汉奸     

简论1946年的国共军事整编复员

抗战胜利之后,在国共和谈进行过程中,军队问题始终是双方争执的重点之一。国民党企图以“军队国家化”的名义,将中共军队化入自己的控制之下,中共则坚持军队的独立性。为此,双方进行了反复交涉。１９４６年２月,在美国特使马歇尔的调停下,国共达成整军协定,规定了双方军队整编的原则和进行步骤。虽然这个协定由于整个政治环境的变化而未能实行,但国共双方仍据此进行了一些初步的整军工作,本文即略述此一整军的过程。一、国民党的军事整编１９４６年２月２５日,国、共、美三方代表张治中、周恩来、马歇尔签署了《关于军队整编及统…     

皖南事变善后过程中的日军因素

皖南事变爆发后,国共合作濒临破裂.国民党持续推进"剿共"部署,日本的中国派遣军亦有计划于1941年春季集中兵力肃清河北、江苏、山东三省.中共中央为避免事态进一步恶化,采取政治上进攻、军事上防御的应对方针.就皖南事变一事,日军认为国共最终会相互妥协,不会对战局造成大的影响,参谋本部亦因"南进"方针,否决了中国派遣军的计划,要求其在"南进"之前对国民政府军事施压,以便于从中国战场脱身.中国派遣军趁汤恩伯集团为"剿共"而调动之际发起袭击,即豫南会战.中共继续在军事上保持克制.豫南会战影响了国民党军队的"剿共"部署,但未能改变其方针,国民党甚至讨论赶在日军进攻陕西之前,先出兵攻下延安.就在此际,日军开始为消灭卫立煌集团而集结兵力,并有意散播将进攻陕西的虚假情报,隐藏其作战计划.国民党在日军压力下,软化立场向中共请求支援,许诺中共"配合作战"便可谈好"根本问题".在皖南事变善后的过程中,日军虽非有意去影响国共关系,但其军事行动打乱了国民党的部署,为国共关系的缓和提供了"转机".抗战期间日、国、共三方互相影响的复杂关系,在皖南事变的善后过程中表现得淋漓尽致.     

喜悦与纠结——由蒋介石日记观其战后对日处置的两面性

<正>1945年8月,日本宣布无条件投降,中国抗日战争获得最后胜利。然而,因为中国国内政治分裂与国共斗争的现实,抗战胜利后的中国对日处置,不似其他同盟国那样纯粹与简单,而是掺杂诸多复杂的政治考量。抗战胜利给蒋介石带来由衷的喜悦与欣慰,同时也带来新的纠结与烦恼。在蒋介石的心目中,中共取代日本,成为他在处理战后中国诸般问题时的头号对象,而本来是战争结束后首先需要直接     

抗战中期的国共配合作战问题——以百团大战、中条山战役为中心的讨论

抗战中期,以华北摩擦和皖南事变为标志,国共矛盾激化。但在此一阶段,国共双方军队在战场上仍给予对方一定的配合。中共发动百团大战有打破日本进攻西北计划、影响全国战局和击敌和友、加强国共合作的战略意图。在百团大战中,国民党晋南部队给予八路军以一定的配合。在中条山战役中,中共军队也应国民党请求,在敌后出击,配合国民党军队作战。这种配合反映出两个战场相互依存,相互配合的历史事实。但由于国共间的矛盾,在这两场战役中,国共双方彼此都没有给对方以最大的支持。这在一场全民族抵御外侮的战争中,也不是一件没有遗憾的事情。     

见证军事调处——记《安平事件记录本》

抗战胜利后,经国共双方重庆会谈,于1945年10月10日签定了《停战协定》,并专门成立了由国、共、美三方组成的军事调处执行部(简称军调部),以监督《停战协定》的执行。然而,《停战协定》仅仅是国民党蒋介石为准备大规模内战、单方面制约中共根据地向外扩展而设置的幛眼法,因此,在协定签订之初,国民党军队就屡屡进犯解放区,致使国共双方的边缘地带摩擦不断,而作为调停人的美方则借调处之名积极支持、帮助国民党对解放区的进攻,     

对日受降权争端背景下的中共与美关系

国共两党抗战胜利后围绕对日受降权问题的斗争,成为国共军事冲突的直接导火索。美国从自身的战略利益出发,从一开始就站在国民党一边,拒绝承认中共作为战胜者一方接受日本投降的正当权利。尽管声称不卷入中国内战,可杜鲁门政府以协助受降为名,通过派遣海军陆战队在华北登陆、大规模空运海运国民党军队、继续实行租借法等一系列举措,增强国民党的军事实力,帮助国民党夺取战场优势。美国的所作所为,已经远远超出受降的需要,形成了对国共内战事实上的军事介入。在对受降权据理力争的同时,中共根据形势的发展变化,灵活调整对美政策,政治上发动宣传攻势批评美国干涉中国内政,军事上则保持了适度的克制和忍耐,使以斗争为主、斗争与合作兼而有之成为这一时期中共对美关系的主要特点。     

1939年秋-1940年夏国民党的南调命令及其影响——对皖南事变起源的新分析

抗战初期的南调命令是国民党在发展和维护它的华中敌后利益,尤其是大别山根据地利益的过程中提出来的.由于抗战的新形势,国民党对在失去大举"剿共"手段之后的策略选择和反共部署,其实并没有多少及时而深入的考虑,尤其因为共产国际五月指示以来共产党在华中采取攻势策略,国民党更显缺乏心理和策略准备,南调命令最终在国民党内外重重阻力下不了了之.但是,这并不意味着它在国共关系史上没有产生实际的影响.在皖南,国共都因为南调命令而发生了策略变化,两党由此不可避免地开始积累矛盾,直至事变发生.     

The political commentary on May Fourth in 1950s Hong Kong and Taiwan

Abstract

“May Fourth” has long been considered a turning point for modern China, resulting in continuous heated discussion on the topic since the 1920s. These discussions not only reexamine culture but also have political intent. Many recent scholars have discussed the “ideologization” of May Fourth from the perspective of “memory politics.” They argue that “May Fourth discourse” was not only used to understand and recapture the past, but also to help one’s own cherished values occupy a core position in modern Chinese history, thus using historical interpretation to create a compass for China’s future that conforms to historical tides. From the four great philosophies of modern China, the Nationalists and Communists have incorporated May Fourth into the “Three People’s Principles” and “New Democracy,” respectively. Liberals held up democracy and science as a need for China’s future, and made efforts to propagate and practice democracy in Hong Kong and Taiwan after 1949. As for New Confucians who had continuously criticized May Fourth for being anti-tradition, they supported traditional values but also believed that democracy and science were a “priority and necessity for China's cultural development,” and hoped to use the spirit behind this ideal. They along with liberals criticized the Nationalist and Communist autocracy for departing from May Fourth ideals, and especially noted how May Fourth created fertile ground for the rise and expansion of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), “resulting in the growth of the Communist Party,” and the Nationalist government’s move to Taiwan. After 1949, Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and the Guomindang (GMD) Nationalist Party he led primarily assessed the May Fourth Movement by synthesizing the views of the liberals and New Confucians. They highlighted the slogans of saving the nation, ethics, democracy, and science to promote ethical education and “national spirit education” as top-priority cultural policies. The focus of this article is to examine how liberals and New Confucians used the topic of May Fourth to criticize the CCP and GMD in Hong Kong and Taiwanese political commentary magazines during the 1950s (approximately 1949–1960). It also explores how the GMD synthesized liberal and New Confucian views to lay out their own position. This discourse shows how May Fourth had diverse interpretations under the context of conflict between the liberals and the New Confucians as well as Nationalists and Communists. The criticism of the ideologization of May Fourth in recent years is actually an important turning point in the scholarly study of May Fourth.     

战时大学校园中的国民党:以西南联大为中心

During the Anti-Japanese War, universities became an important arena for the competition between GMD and CCP, as well as the contention among various nationalist factions. The GMD branch in the National Southwest Associated University was the most active one among its university party branches during the wartime. About half of the professors joined the GMD, and the university authorities also tolerated professors and students in other parties and factions. The professors made up a heterogeneous group that included “democratic fighters” like Wen Yiduo and “faithful party members” like Yao Congwu. The co-existence of intellectual elites belonging to different parties and factions created a highly tolerant “fortress of democracy” on campus. Translated by Zhou Weiwei from Lishi Yanjiu 历史研究 (Historical Research), 2006, (4):125–148     

When the rule of law met rule by the party: the conflicts between Baptist schools and the local Guomindang in Republican Suzhou

ABSTRACT

This study examines the relationship between the Guomindang (GMD) and the courts by focusing on the 1929 conflicts between the Suzhou Baptist schools and the local GMD party apparatus. The GMD regime supported the principle of rule by the party. At the local level, the GMD’s rise was often stymied by the independent judiciary whose judgments were based on the principle of the rule of law. The local party might not have been able to control the local court in the early years of the GMD regime, but it did steadily alter state-society relationships, as it could benefit from the local court’s commitment to the rule of law. For instance, the district court in Suzhou actively defended the principle of rule by the party in conflicts between Baptist schools and the local party because the GMD had made that principle the law of the land.     

Propaganda by the Book: Contextualizing and Reading the Zhejiang GMD’s 1929 Textbook Essentials for Propaganda Workers

The Nationalist Party (GMD) had been writing and issuing documents of many types for some years before Nanjing was established as the capital of the Republic of China in 1927/1928. From its earliest days, doctrines were advanced via cause-oriented newspapers and journals. Even more important, the Soviet-sponsored reorganization of the GMD in the early 1920s had yielded a far-reaching party propaganda operation tied to Sun Yat-sen’s notion of political tutelage. But how was propaganda to work in practice? And at whom was it to be aimed? This article seeks to address aspects of these questions by assessing a textbook for propaganda workers that was issued in the name of the GMD’s Zhejiang Provincial Executive Committee’s Propaganda Department in October 1929, half a year after the GMD’s foundational right-wing Third Party Congress. Although Essentials for Propaganda Workers does not fully operationalize Sun’s version of political tutelage, it can nonetheless be seen to reflect the central party’s efforts to implement tutelage and supervision, not only of the Chinese masses suggested by Sun’s program, but also of party propaganda workers in Zhejiang. In that regard, it reveals the astonishingly rapid ideological realignment of the GMD into an anti-Communist party, not only at the national level, which is well known, but also on the provincial and lower levels. Drawing on material from the GMD Archives in Taipei, this article addresses issues of party organization, control, mobilization, inner party dynamics, and message content in the GMD’s propaganda activities in Zhejiang province in the late 1920s. “Propaganda by the Book” adds to our knowledge of the organizational practices of both the central GMD in Nanjing and the Zhejiang provincial GMD as well as to the social history of Republican China’s official print culture.     

Sharing a similar fate: the historical process of the Korean Communists’ merger with the Chinese Communist Party (1919–1936)

In their early history, the Chinese and Korean Communists had little contact with one another. However, similar fates brought them together, and some Korean revolutionaries in China voluntarily joined the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After a futile effort to establish a Communist party in Korea, the Korean Communists shifted their attention to Chinese Manchuria. Under extremely difficult circumstances, different factions of the Korean Communist organizations either willingly or under force disbanded. However, after winning support from the Comintern, the CCP recruited a substantial number of Korean Communists. Thus, within a short period of time, the CCP expanded its strength in Manchuria. It also shouldered responsibility for assisting the Korean Communists in their efforts to establish their own party. In the aftermath of the September 18th Incident in 1931 the CCP Central Committee called for an armed struggle against the Japanese invaders. The Korean Communists in Manchuria became a force to be reckoned with. After the CCP gradually shifted the focus of its policy toward the War of Resistance against Japan, the Korean Communists in China became integrated into the CCP army.     

周恩来与中共军事领导体制的创建

周恩来作为党的早期的重要领导人,非常重视党的军事工作,较早地从理论上探索党对革命武装的领导.在实践中他开拓性地创设了革命武装的政治工作制度,亲自领导党的军事领导体制的创建工作,为形成、确立党的军事领导体制作出了卓越的历史性贡献.     

科学发展视角下《论十大关系》解读

《论十大关系》是中国共产党探索社会主义建设道路的历史起点,它蕴含着宝贵的科学发展思想,其基本观点有：既重视经济建设又关注政治建设和文化发展;重视重、轻、农的协调发展,强调经济建设和国防工业的协调发展以及区域经济的协调发展。这些观点对于今天以至将来都有着重要而长远的指导意义。     

Chiang Kai-shek and the 1947 Reorganization of the National Government

When the Guomindang (GMD) took charge in 1927, it implemented the “political tutelage” system. Participation of other parties in politics was disallowed. But after the Anti-Japanese War (1937–45), under the combined effect of internal and external pressure, the GMD needed to adopt a constitution, reorganize government and establish multi-party participation. The April 1947 governmental reorganization was the starting point of a transformation from a “political tutelage” system to a constitutional system. Though this reorganization introduced many non-GMD members into the government, it did not change the GMD’s one-party dominance. Its desired transformation of China from one-party “political tutelage” into a constitutional democracy still remained limited.     

试论“党内合作”的历史局限性——党内合作限制了中共对领导权的争取

党内合作是第一次国共合作所采取的形式,但这种合作形式也存在着明显的历史局限性,即限制了中共对统一战线领导权的争取.这种限制作用突出表现在:孙中山坚持国民革命应由国民党领导,决不放弃对国民党的领导权;国民党始终保持着对共产党人的防范心态,不允许共产党在国民党内坐大;国民党组织力的加强,为推动国民革命所必须,却又强化着对中共活动的约束;共产党的发展却催生着统一战线走向瓦解乃至最终破裂.中共争取领导权斗争的挫败,决定了国民革命失败的结局.