毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛关于党际关系的思想及实践

毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛坚持把马列主义普遍真理同中国具体实际相结合,就党际关系的理论与实践进行了深入探索。本文在梳理毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛关于党际关系思想及实践的基础上,总结了我国党际交往的基本经验,即必须坚持马克思主义党际关系理论的基本原则,紧密联系党和国家的具体实际;必须积极顺应时代潮流,与时俱进,开拓进取;必须始终把党的对外工作作为国家总体外交的一条重要战线,坚持服务于国家总体外交的需要,促进国家关系的发展;必须服从和服务于树立我们党良好国际形象的根本要求。     

论建国后毛泽东的政党外交观

新中国成立后,毛泽东的政党外交观逐渐形成并趋于成熟.其主要思想是:坚持独立自主,要根据自己国家的情况决定自己的政策;坚持党际关系的平等原则;坚持爱国主义与国际主义的完美结合;超越意识形态的差异,发展与不同类型政党的关系;坚持团结的价值取向.毛泽东的政党外交观对中共政党外交的实践具有重要的指导作用,为后来政党外交的发展奠定了坚实的理论基础,但在形成与发展过程中也存在某些失误与缺陷     

《中国国民党与越南独立运动》

<正>中国社会科学文献出版社2015年4月出版,29万字,69元本书讲述了为了应对复杂多变的国际形势和扑朔迷离的越南政情,中国对越工作主要在两个层面展开:一为正面公开进行的对越外交工作,二为侧面秘密进行的对越党派工作。外交层面和党际层面的对越工作既相互平行,又交叉重叠,既有相得益彰的一面,有时也互相颉颃,构成战后中国对越工作的"一体两面"。基于上述对中国对越政策特性的认识与把握,全书分为上、下两篇。上篇主要从党际     

试评曾纪泽的近代外交思想

曾纪泽是中国近代著名的外交家,是近代史上成功运用现代意义的外交思想办外交的杰出代表。本文着重对其近代外交思想的局限性和积极影响进行评价,以说明曾纪泽对中国外交近代化的发展所做出的重要贡献。     

民主革命时期中国共产党党际交流述评

中国共产党在民主革命时期所开展的党际交流促进了自身的发展和对中国革命领导能力的提高,是建国前中国共产党赢得国际地位和国际支持主要方式。中国共产党在其间取得的辉煌成就和丰富经验对建国后开展的党际交流具有重要的指导意义。     

阎宝航与新中国外交礼仪

2010年7月,我对几位八九十岁的老外交家和夫人进行了采访,了解到新中国成立之初阎宝航在外交部工作的情况。阎宝航不但在新中国成立前是一名“无名英雄”,在新中国外交战线上也是默默耕耘,作出了重要贡献,不愧是新中国外交礼仪的奠基者。     

论金代契丹族官员的外交活动及作用

金代契丹族官员以其语言和文化的优势,多次奉命出使宋、西夏、高丽、蒙古等周边政权,或接待外国使臣,他们在外交活动中为维护金朝的外交秩序和宗主国地位做出了重要贡献。     

毛泽东处理无产阶级政党关系的基本准则

建国后,中国共产党作为执政党,以自己鲜明的国际政策活跃于广阔的外交舞台。以毛泽东为首的党的第一代中央领导集体为了搞好国内的革命与建设,推进国际共产主义运动和被压迫民族、被压迫人民的解放斗争,反对霸权主义,就如何处理好无产阶级政党的党际关系提出了独立自主、互相援助、完全平等、协商一致等一系列基本准则,得到各兄弟党的广泛共识,丰富了马克思主义理论宝库,当前仍具有重大理论和实践价值。     

中国与东南亚共产党关系的正常化及其影响——兼论中共从革命党向执政党身份转换的完成

中国共产党与东南亚共产党之间的关系是新中国成立后中国对东南亚地区政策中的一项重要内容,带有鲜明的时代色彩。在改革开放的大背景下,中国提出了新的党际关系原则,并以此为指导实现了与东南亚各国共产党关系的正常化,终止了对这些共产党组织及其革命运动的援助,将共产党党际关系置于政府间关系之下,明确了以国家利益作为发展党际关系的最高原则。这一转变不仅意味着中国共产党从革命型政党向执政党身份转换过程的最终完成,也对中国的东南亚地区政策和日后东南亚区域发展产生了深远的影响。     

《清季外交史料》的成书历程及其价值、特色

《清季外交史料》由王彦威、王亮父子辑编,该书出版,使晚清外交的官方档案文献得以合成完璧。其成书,耗时近半个世纪,王氏父子做出了巨大的努力和贡献。其内容主要为光绪、宣统两朝各种外交事件,另涉及相关的重要内政。其中尤为重视约章,扣住晚清外交最重要环节,反映了中外条约关系的变化和时代需要。所辑文件为官方档籍,不仅对当时外交起了资鉴作用,且对研究晚清中外关系史具有极高的文献史料价值。编纂体例上,既承袭了传统体裁,又有新创,增加了新的表述形式。作为一部史料汇编,该书亦有时代的局限,存在种种不足和不当之处。     

The Unflinching Mr. Smith and the Nuclear Age**

This article focuses on the U.S. diplomat and nuclear arms control negotiator Gerald (Gerry) Coat Smith in order to cast new light on the importance of diplomats in the context of the set of international activities currently labelled as “science diplomacy.” Smith, a lawyer by training, was a key negotiator in many international agreements on post-WW2 atomic energy projects, from those on uranium prospecting and mining, to reactors technologies to later ones on non-proliferation and disarmament. His career in science (nuclear) diplomacy also epitomized the shortcomings of efforts to align other countries’ posture on nuclear affairs to U.S. wishes. In particular, the unswerving diplomat increasingly understood that strong-arm tactics to dissuade other countries from acquiring nuclear weapons would not limit proliferation. Not only did this inform later U.S. diplomacy approaches, but it lent itself to the ascendancy of the new notion of “soft power” as critical to the re-definition of international affairs.     

林林的生平与创作

林林是我国老一辈著名的外交家、书法家和诗人。青年时代留学东瀛,在日本参加左翼文艺运动,进行诗歌的翻译和创作活动。抗日战争爆发后,积极投入到反法西斯的斗争之中。解放以后林林先生长期从事外交和对外文化交流工作,并潜心研究日本文学,尤其在俳句的翻译和汉俳的创作方面有特殊的贡献,他在20世纪中日文化交流史上的重要地位是无人可取代的。本文主要从诗人、战士、使者、学者几个方面对林林先生的生平和创作活动进行介绍和评价。     

The Yugoslav Communists' Special Relationship with the British Labour Party 1950–1956

This article uses new evidence to investigate Yugoslav foreign policy through the prism of inter-party relations rather than traditional high diplomacy. It shows the Yugoslav Communists hoped comradeship with Britain's Labour Party would influence Western policies to counter the Soviet threat. Initial successes, especially a deterrent statement by the British Cabinet in February 1951, inspired great optimism. The Labour left was also delighted that Communism could be reformed and Cold War tensions lessened. However, ideological differences crystallised over the Djilas affair and Yugoslavia's choice for Non-Alignment. Only mutual opposition to the USSR during the crises of 1956 ensured their continuing friendship.     

叶炜《扶桑骊唱集》钞本的文献价值

晚清诗人叶炜,是日本明治时代最早赴日本从事汉语教学和文化交流的学者。在日本期间交游很广,诗文唱和频繁,是清政府正式向日本派驻使节之前中日诗文交流的先驱者,其诗文交流活动为晚清驻日外交官何如璋、黄遵宪、黎庶昌等人的中日诗文外交导夫先路,回国后编辑《扶桑骊唱集》收入日本明治时代前期日本许多著名诗人的诗作,是研究甲午战争前后中日复杂微妙的外交关系的重要参考资料。《扶桑骊唱集》钞本是叶炜先生去世后,近人根据光绪辛卯（一八九一）南京刻本所钞,时间当在一九零三年叶氏辞世之后。钞本文字简古流关,篇末附俞樾撰《吴县主薄叶君墓志铭》,学界悬而未决的叶炜生平当从此可得稽考,钞本为研究叶炜提供了一样不可或缺的证据。     

Information and Confusion: Russian Resident Diplomacy and Peter A. Tolstoi’s Arrival in the Ottoman Empire (1702–1703)

Abstract

This article explores the arrival of the first Russian resident ambassador to the Ottoman Empire in a period when Russian diplomacy underwent major transformations. It focuses on Peter A. Tolstoi’s network and the management of information gathered during the first year of his appointment in Adrianople (1702–03). The article revisits the notion of resident ambassador, not as a hallmark of ‘modern European diplomacy’ with an overemphasis on the diplomat as a state-representative and office-holder, on the states system, or on institutional reform, but to suggest that a resident embassy in the early modern period was more than a formal, self-contained, and sovereign institution located in a particular place. The transformation from ad-hoc to resident diplomacy in Russian–Ottoman relations did not originate from the adoption of European diplomatic norms alone: it created new or relied on the existing trans-imperial networks of the ambassador rather than on bilateral inter-state relations. The example of Russian–Ottoman relations demonstrates that while the new diplomacy introduced by Peter I was driven by Europeanization and reform, the transformations emerged from the adaptation to circumstances in different locations and depended on the development of contacts embedded in the geo-cultural and religious entanglements of the region.     

The reshaping of Ibero-American cultural diplomacy in the beginning of the XXI century: the declining of the Spanish historical hegemony?

ABSTRACT

Francoist cultural policy in Latin America – itself based on Hispanist philosophy – and the Spanish activity in the Organization of Ibero-American States (1949) promoted the emergence of Ibero-American cultural diplomacy. The return of democracy to Spain in 1978 turned these projects into more horizontal instruments of cultural cooperation. After a process of institutionalization that led to the creation of SEGIB and the establishment of the Ibero-American Cultural Letter in 2006, this multilateral diplomatic system was called into question due to its economic asymmetries and its ideological basis. However, the relative influence of this process in reformulating the system and in creating a shared identitarian discourse within Ibero-America has never been properly weighted, nor has the importance of each actor within this process. This article analyses the multilateral Ibero-American cultural diplomacy in order to understand its recent transformations in terms of the importance of both national power and symbolic hegemony.     

Leibniz on Diplomacy and Discernible Art

Abstract

This article discusses Leibniz’s unique blend of aesthetics and diplomacy. While his art extended diplomacy beyond the bounds of political realism, his diplomacy gave occasion to his art. His identity of indiscernibles (objects with the same properties are identical) inspired philosopher Arthur Danto to define contemporary art in terms of a qualitative perceptual division between the world and the Artworld (objects with the same properties may or may not be art). Although Leibniz would have disputed Danto’s bifurcated artistic perspective, Danto vindicates Leibniz’s major contribution to contemporary aesthetic philosophy by defending his belief in the moral foundation of art. Leibniz was not only one of the pre-eminent men of German letters of his time, he also excelled in diplomacy on behalf of the Hanoverian court. His international relations (IR) theory of peace through grand global alliances is only just beginning to be understood, though his aesthetics and correct diplomacy continue to validate individual creativity, liberal freedoms, and universal enlightenment up to this very day.     

The basic structure of Chiang Kai-shek's diplomatic strategy

As a leader of the Republic of China, Chiang Kai-shek carried on Sun Yat-sen's legacy of using diplomacy as a force in the modern era and planned to rely on diplomacy to revise China's unequal treaties with foreign powers. Chiang elaborated on Sun's ideas and maintained that diplomacy as a war without battles worked more effectively than wars with battles. Faced with the threat of Japanese invasion, he upheld the strategy of using one foreign country to control another. He expected the outbreak of a war between Japan and the Soviet Union or between Japan and the United States so that a war between Japan and China could be avoided. Chiang engaged in active diplomacy aimed at turning these expectations into reality. His diplomatic strategy had an impact during the Anti-Japanese War.     

Struggling for each other: the Stancioff family at work

Due to the unique nature of Stancioff family relationships, family members lived and work as a highly effective network of enabling partners. They were living and working in the rarefied world of diplomats and dealt with people in a variety of countries and cultures. Their eldest daughter; Nadejda Stancioff pursued a diplomacy career in the 1910s and participated in the post-World War I peace conferences. Dimitri Stancioff, her father, was a diplomat, and her mother, the Countess Anna de Grenaud, was mistress of the robes at the Bulgarian Court at the end of the nineteenth century. They were a "mixed" family in many aspects, yet they thrived. The manner in which this family worked together is a rare example of cooperative collective efforts unfettered by gender biases. They also formed a unique transitional unit as a family who successfully combined the traditional with the modern to serve their collective ends.