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哈尔滨作为近代远东地区最早接纳犹太人移民的城市,保留了丰富的犹太文化遗存。目前学界对哈尔滨犹太文化价值的研究成就可归纳为学术研究价值、经济开发价值和情感交流价值三方面。在新时代,哈尔滨犹太历史文化研究应聚焦于新视角新领域,深度发掘学术研究资源,结合现代信息技术,扩大中以交流,深化两国人民友谊,从而为当代哈尔滨城市文化发展与建设添砖加瓦。  相似文献   

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胡浩 《世界历史》2007,(4):144-146
了解犹太历史的人,不禁会为犹太民族的苦难和执着而感动。是什么力量使这个民族在不幸中幸存下来并生生不息?读北京大学出版社于2006年5月出版的徐新教授的新著《犹太文化史》,便会发现文化在犹太历史中的独特魅力———对于犹太人而言,历史创造了文化,文化同时又塑造了历史。全书共分为12章,紧紧围绕犹太文化的产生、发展来叙述。第一、二章主要讲述犹太民族的形成与早期历史以及犹太流散史。第三、四章论述犹太宗教文化的核心部分《圣经》与《塔木德》文化。接下来两章主要阐述了中世纪以来的犹太教(包括中世纪犹太教与现代犹太教),并较系…  相似文献   

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邢志凯 《黑龙江史志》2013,(17):132+134
<正>英国历史学家阿诺德·汤因比教授在《历史研究》一书中,把人类文明分为三种模式,分别是希腊模式、中国模式、犹太模式,虽然这样的划分带有作者主观因素,但是足以说明犹太文明的历史影响力。犹太人从大卫王建国,到第二圣殿毁灭以后,一直处于大流散之中。而在大流散这么多年之后,还幸存下来的民族或许不只犹太民族一个,但最后能建立起属于自己的国家只有犹太民族.关键在于犹太民族有其自己独特的历史文化。犹太文化历来就是一种宗教性极强的文化,犹太民族的\"元典\"文化就是一部完全意义上  相似文献   

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试析苏联犹太移民问题的形成及影响   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
白玉广  宋正 《史学月刊》2002,98(4):90-97
苏联犹太移民问题是苏联历史和政治、经济发展的产物。由于受多种因素的影响,苏联对犹太移民的意愿采取限制性的政策。由此产生了苏联政治生活中移民申请被拒绝这一特殊的政治群体。他们以移居苏联国外为其主要的政治目标。苏联犹太人的移民意愿及移民申请被拒绝的活动引起西方社会尤其是美国的关注,并在一段时期内成为影响美苏经济贸易关系的一项重要因素。戈尔巴乔夫实行的改革开放政策在一定程度上缓解了这一问题,此后苏联的解体使这一问题的性质和重要性均有所转变。  相似文献   

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在近代,哈尔滨曾是东亚地区犹太人最大的活动中心。犹太人在哈尔滨进行政治、经济和文化活动,对哈尔滨的经济繁荣和城市建设曾起过重要作用。目前在哈尔滨仍保存着一批犹太人历史文献、档案资料和建筑遗址及东亚最大的犹太墓地,原居哈尔滨犹太人及其后裔现散居于以色列等世界各国。保护和利用这一文化遗产,深入研究哈尔滨犹太人史和散居于世界各地的哈尔滨犹太人及其后裔的生活状况,有利于加强中国与以色列、中国与世界各国犹太人的文化交流与经贸合作,能够促进中国东部陆海丝绸之路经济带的发展。  相似文献   

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王本立 《世界历史》2006,44(6):14-25
东欧犹太人大规模移居英国的行动,是在19世纪欧洲人口大流动和东欧犹太人大规模外移的背号下,随着俄国大俄罗斯政策的推行而发生的。东欧犹太人的大规模涌入,在英国引起了一场相当罕见、自下而上的反移民运动。特别值得注意的是,英国本土犹太人不仅在总体上反对东欧犹太人大规模移居英国,而且从一开始就采取切实行动,在反移民运动方面做出了比非犹太人乃至英国官方更大的努力和实绩。  相似文献   

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从20世纪30年代末以来,欧美学界一直在推动犹太铭文集的编辑和出版。其成果反映在铭文数量的不断增加和铭文识别方法的不断推敲上。古希腊罗马时期犹太铭文的特点是,希腊文铭文占绝对多数,不存在典型的带有犹太风格的希腊文,也不存在特有的犹太类型铭文。这些特征不仅为人们理解犹太教与希腊罗马世界的文化互动提供了更加宽广的视角,而且有助于人们摆脱各种文献材料所预设的眼光,在理解早期犹太教方面实现更加全面的综合。  相似文献   

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犹太启蒙运动初探   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
本以现代化理论为视角,探讨了犹太启蒙运动(即哈斯卡拉)的思想根源,认为哈斯卡拉正是欧洲启蒙运动在隔都高墙之内的表现、反应与延伸。章指出,犹太启蒙运动的基本主张如呼吁犹太人走出隔都、顺应社会潮流改革犹太教、大力发展现代教育等无不反映了犹太人对现代化的向往与追求。因此,犹太启蒙运动标志着犹太化现代化的肇始。这一理性主义运动在解放思想、促进民族化的更新等方面确实起到了有目共睹的作用,但也留下了惨痛的教训,许多犹太人背离了自己的传统,全然放弃了犹太教。  相似文献   

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20世纪60年代,"大屠杀"话语的传播引发了美国犹太人对族群命运的担忧。在"六日战争"前,面对阿拉伯国家的反犹宣传及其对以色列的重重围困,美国犹太人担心"再次大屠杀"会发生,从而促使美国犹太人对以色列的生存产生深度忧虑。美国犹太社团逐渐把维护以色列的特殊利益和争取美国社会对以色列的同情与支持,作为游说活动的主要目标。美国犹太游说组织通过舆论引导、公开呼吁、经济动员等方式积极进行游说。"六日战争"后,美国与以色列之间的特殊关系迅速发展。美国犹太人的民族自信心和自豪感显著提升,并自觉地将以色列与自身的命运紧密相连。他们在归属意愿、宗教情感、对以色列的文化兴趣、青年群体族群意识等层面表达对以色列的认同,以色列在美国犹太人族群认同中发挥的作用凸显。  相似文献   

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张倩红 《史学月刊》2005,47(9):74-82
20世纪80年代以来,越来越多的学者意识到了大屠杀已经成为一个世界性的问题,在美国、以色列、欧洲等地普遍兴起了对“后大屠杀时代”的研究,主要探讨源于大屠杀并影响到后大屠杀时代的种种社会现象。通过对幸存者的心理磨难、对纳粹屠犹的神学反思、犹太意识的强化以及西方社会的“遗弃”对犹太人的精神打击等问题的研究,可以看出,大屠杀事件对犹太人社会心理产生了重大的影响。  相似文献   

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The Capetian apanages have traditionally been studied from the perspective of the developing national monarchy. This approach is anachronistic; its premises are drawn from a later century, and even within the Capetian period it groups together with little differentiation the attitudes and intentions of five generations of kings.The context for the early Capetian apanages is the successional customs of the nobility, which the kings knew well from having seen them practised by their baronial neighbors. The determining concepts behind these measures were not those of the crown and the royal domain, but rather the societal ones by which, through the succession, the individual members of the family were ordered in relation to the family's lands.Only in the last quarter of the thirteenth and the first quarter of the fourteenth centuries did the kings and the Parlement impose the series of rulings which molded Capetian practice into a distinctively royal pattern. For most of the period under consideration, the territorial kingdom was treated as an aggregate of separable holdings, most of which were the private inheritance of the ruling family.  相似文献   

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This paper contextualises a political alliance between Ukrainian and Jewish national activists in Austrian Galicia during the 1907 parliamentary elections, Austria's first elections with universal manhood suffrage. This alliance represented a milestone in the making of a new paradigm of Ukrainian–Jewish relations. Ironically, the Ukrainian and Jewish nationalists, portrayed elsewhere as staunch enemies, were uniquely able to overcome the profound social, religious, political, and cultural barriers separating the two communities. Ukrainian nationalists recognised the potential of a nationalised Jewish community to undermine Polish hegemony in Galicia, while some Zionists saw the potential to elect Jewish parliamentary representatives in rural Ukrainian districts where Poles and Jews competed for the districts' second mandate. The alliance mobilised the Ukrainian and Jewish electorate around shared slogans and goals. It was a qualified success, leading to a more powerful national Ukrainian faction as well as the first Zionist faction in any European parliament. Although the two sides failed to repeat the alliance in the subsequent elections in 1911, the coalition sparked a new sense of history for both communities. It created a pro‐Ukrainian discourse in Jewish politics, and a pro‐Zionist one in Ukrainian politics. The alliance also exposes Zionism as a response to the European‐wide nationalist revivalism rather than a reaction to rampant turn‐of‐the‐century racial anti‐Semitism.  相似文献   

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Thinkers with Jewish backgrounds contributed powerfully to our understanding of nationalism. We examine the different Jewish conditions in East Central Europe and Russia at the end of the nineteenth and at the start of the twentieth century so as to map the theories of nationalism that resulted. Four such theories are identified, each illustrated with reference to particular thinkers.  相似文献   

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The plea rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews represent the single most important source for understanding the interrelations and interactions of Jewish and Christian women in thirteenth-century England. A uniquely voluminous series of documents pertaining to the bureaucracy that grew up around Jewish lending after 1190, the rolls reveal the many ways in which women of different faiths were brought into contact — both amicable and oppositional — through financial transactions, predominantly the borrowing and lending of money. It further considers the shared family interests, credit networks and daily necessities that such transactions signified. Finally, by examining specific cases — from large scale, national disputes played out in the Exchequer Court to small-scale disagreements in the locality — it seeks to demonstrate how Jewish and Christian women negotiated with one another for economic resources. It concludes that money-lending, complicated by the particularities of kinship and business structures, first brought women of different faiths together and then tore them apart.  相似文献   

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Recent political and historical debates in Italy have led to a re-examination of the Risorgimento. This article asks what this revisionist reconsideration of the national past means for Italian Jews and whether Italian-Jewish history needs to be rewritten. Taking Tuscany as a case study, this article examines Jewish experiences in ­Florence and Leghorn during the Risorgimento, from the return to power of Grand Duke Leopold II after the revolution of 1848-9 to 1859, when Tuscany joined the new Italian national state. Tuscan Jews participated enthusiastically in the national movement, playing a decisive role in the development of the new political culture and in creating the emotional appeal of the nation. Jews were deeply integrated into the new national state and shared the same values and political attitudes as their Christian counterparts. Any reconsideration of the Risorgimento must take into account that - from a Jewish point of view - this period had remarkable innovative aspects and promising perspectives.  相似文献   

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红山文化研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
红山文化是燕山南北地区新石器时代非常重要的考古学文化,有关红山文化分期的文章已发表多篇,但由于受到当时考古资料所限,学者们分歧较大。本文以近年来所发表的两处层位关系较好的遗存为突破口,尝试对红山文化进行分期,并在分期的基础上,对以往有学者将红山文化划分为不同考古文化类型等问题进行讨论。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT. This paper aims to shed light on the evolution of the Jewish national language and to discuss the ways in which the cultural trends in Zionism constantly left room for the creative imagination of its adherents, and functioned in such a way as to erode its sacred dimension, thereby promoting a discourse focusing on the individual. My claim is that the Hebrew language case study may reflect the importance not only of national revisionist accounts for our understanding of the Zionist movement, but also the need for an approach that saves a place for truly creative aspects of civic engagement, and recognises the Israeli nation as one asserting, besides its ethnic ties also patriotic nexuses. Special attention will be given to the phenomenon of Hebrew poetry written by women in the 1920s as a platform from which to examine the unique meaning and evolution of language within the Jewish national movement.  相似文献   

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张淑清 《史学集刊》2008,92(2):48-53,60
犹太教允许离婚.在<圣经>时代,犹太男子可以随心所欲地休妻,犹太妇女没有任何话语权.到了<塔木德>时代,犹太社会尽管对男子的单方面休妻权利有所限制,但是并没有从根本上改变婚姻的男权制结构,犹太妇女在离婚问题上依然处于完全被动的地位.这种局面在中世纪的欧洲有了质的改变,而且,这种改变通过犹太社团最具权威的"市集大会"颁布的法规条例而不断地强化,从而使得犹太妇女的婚姻地位在附属中有了改善.  相似文献   

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