塔列朗与法兰西近代民族国家的建立

法兰西近代民族国家建立的进程,开始于1789年的法国大革命,结束于1830年的七月革命。塔列朗的政治活动贯穿于这一进程的始终。他在大革命期间,推动教会资产国有化,参与起草《人权宣言》;在督政府时期,以较新的外交理念促成法国外交部的改革;在拿破仑帝国时期,参与了重要条约的谈判,并力图遏制拿破仑的称霸政策;在波旁王朝复辟时,起草了“1814年宪章”,尽力维护大革命的成果;在七月革命中,抛弃了复辟王朝,支持承认大革命现实的路易.菲利浦登上王位,并出任驻英大使出席伦敦会议,为解决欧洲重大外交问题付出了努力。事实证明,他并非如一般史家所描述的那样,是一个以自身利益为行为准则,没有信仰的政治变色龙,而是一个以法兰西民族国家利益为行为准则的政治家。他为法兰西近代民族国家的建立做出了重大贡献。     

论法国第二帝国现代化的条件

第二帝国以军事政变为其先声,至色当惨败寿终正寝。帝国虽然多行不义,却统治了法兰西达18年之久,远比第一帝国要长;拿破仑三世尽管迭遭鞭挞,如今却被有的人称为“现代法兰西的奠基人”,英名似乎盖过拿破仑一世。究其原因,该时期法国“经济突飞猛进,资本主义迅猛发展,从而跨入了现代化国家的行列”。法国老一辈历史学家吉拉尔指出:“若无铁路等广大国民经济部门的革新,若无大都市建设的革命,帝国的统治就不可能如此     

清末迄今中国对拿破仑的了解与研究

最早介绍拿破仑的,大概是魏源。1841年他痛感外患入侵、国政腐败,编著50卷《海国图志》,后增补为100卷,号召学习西方的科学技术,“师夷长技以制夷”。在法兰西一章中,作者首先概述了拿破仑上台的经过,说是“王好色,内宠擅权扰民,民不能堪,乾隆五十四年,国大乱,寻废王而弑之,立领事官三人,摄政王以拿破仑为首……”;接着称颂     

拿破仑三世的经济治国政策

一以往研究的重大不足路易·波拿巴曾任法兰西第二共和国总统与第二帝国皇帝,执政二十二年。人们对他的国务活动历来评价不同。这些评价充满感情色彩,难于摆脱种种政治影响。雨果对拿破仑三世的攻击最为尖刻。在他的笔下,拿破仑三世成了“暴君”、“骗子”、“土匪”或“披着虎皮的猴子”。梯也尔将拿破仑三世称作“妖怪”与“傻子”。勒德律——罗兰给予“低能儿”的评价。俾斯麦认为他是“枭雄”。对于苏联史学界而言,拿破仑三世是“政治冒险家”、“暴发户”或“一小撮政治冒险者的头目”。另一种为肯定的意见。科学家巴斯德于1870年9月5日表示:拿破仑三世的“统治     

问题解答

问:拿破仑·波拿巴与路易·波拿巴是什么关系?马克思的《路易·波拿巴的雾月十八日》主要内容是什么?(河南西平高中教研组问) 答:拿破仑·波拿巴(1769—1821年),是在法国大革命期间崛起的一名年轻的军事将领。他于1799年11月9日,为适应大资产阶级的政治需要,发动政变,推翻了督政府,夺得了法国的政权。这就是历史上的“雾月十八日政变”。1804年拿破仑·波拿巴称皇帝,建立了资产阶级军事独裁专政的法兰西帝国即第一帝国(1804—1814年),历史     

拿破仑的失败与专制之痛——法兰西的悲情时代

“大革命结束了!” 1799年12月15日,拿破仑当选为法兰西第一共和国临时执政府首席执行官,他在宣布新宪法时说：“大革命是按发动革命时的那些原则确定的,现在革命结束了。”大革命真的结束了吗？或者说,发动革命时的那些原则真的得到确定了吗？     

期盼

期盼是对目标的一种向往,它通常是和努力联系在一起的。只有努力,才能实现自己的愿望。所以,期盼是实现心愿的一种催化剂。但如果只有期盼,没有努力,那就成了空想。期盼有大有小,大到事业、学习的成功,小到一天的衣食住行。有些人把期盼化为现实,也有一些人成了空想家,整天无所事事。拿破仑少时希望法兰西强大,于是在他的领导下,法兰西几乎统治了整个欧洲;富兰克林少时幻想着战胜自然,几十年后     

解读巴黎的城市色彩之美

<正>"只有法国这样的国家才能创造巴黎。"——恩格斯巴黎是法国的首都,坐落在巴黎盆地中央的塞纳河畔,摩登、格调、高贵、罗曼蒂克几乎成为巴黎的代名词。同时巴黎也是法兰西文化的象征,拥有1500年的悠久历史。巴黎整个城市建筑布局与建设的恢宏气势及协调和谐是笔者所考察过的欧洲城市中最令人印象深刻的一个。巴黎曾被拿破仑夸赞为是"是世界上最美     

波兰—萨克森问题与欧洲的“重建”

一 以国际关系的角度来看,说维也纳会议以后的欧洲历史是“复辟时代”也同样是确切的。五强把持的维也纳会议重建的欧洲政治体系除了一些地方有改变,几乎和拿破仑战争前的均势状态一模一样。” 拿破仑战争前的欧洲格局可以简单地归纳为以下几点: 一、以俄国明显的优势为主导的中欧与     

戴高乐：铁骨柔肠的法兰西传奇英雄

谈到法兰西历史上最伟大的人物,恐怕只有两个：一个是拿破仑,另一个就是他——叱咤风云几十年的戴高乐。1970年11月12日,来自世界各国的63位国家元首和国家领导人云集巴黎,凭吊法国人民心目中的英雄,曾任法兰西第五共和国总统的夏尔·戴高乐,这位两次从危机中挽救了法国,并将法国引向一条独立自主之路的伟大的政治家。     

Foreign Jews in the western Alps (1938 – 43)

Abstract

This article examines the question of policy towards the Jews in the Italian occupied zone of southern France from 1940 to 1943. It develops the argument that in the World War II the Alps constituted a clearly demarcated geographical area that for Jewish refugees from all over Europe promised shelter and safety. A number of ‘exemplary cases’ (for example that of Angelo Donati) as well as an unpublished document relating to the case of ‘residence forcée’ in St Martin Vésubie, provided the opportunity for comparing different interpretations of Italian attitudes towards the Jews in those years.     

Revolution and the Jews

Taking the public demonstrations in France after the attacks on Charlie Hebdo as its starting point, the essay considers the active role Jews played in shaping the relationship between religion and politics in modern Europe to argue that this history can allow us to think more expansively about the position of Islam in current discussions of theo-politics in France and Europe more broadly.     

On the use of Nazi sources for the study of Fascist Jewish policy in the Italian-occupied territories: The case of south-eastern France,November 1942–July 1943

ABSTRACT

This article discusses the use of Nazi sources for the study of Fascist policy towards Jews in 1940–1943. By exposing the gap between the Nazi perception of and the reality of the Fascist policy towards Jews in Italian-occupied south-eastern France, the article demonstrates that Rome’s refusal to hand over Jews for deportation did not contradict the fundamental anti-Semitic nature of its Jewish policy in that context. Thus, the article highlights the risks for historians to read Fascist Jewish policy through Nazi lenses and thereby fall prey to stereotypical characterizations of the Italians as insubordinate, scheming and driven by what an S.S. official disparagingly labelled a ‘Jewish-friendly attitude’. At the same time, the article shows that, when combined with Fascist sources, Nazi sources can help shed light on the conceptual divide that underpinned the Axis partners’ disagreement over the means by which the ‘Jewish problem’ should be ‘solved’, thereby exposing the analytical limitations of the current prevailing understanding of the Fascist refusal to hand over the Jews as purely the outcome of ‘pragmatic’ opportunistic considerations.     

Anti-Jewish rhetoric in Guibert of Nogent's Dei gesta per Francos

When Guibert of Nogent, a Benedictine monk living in northern France, re-wrote the anonymous Gesta Francorum, an eyewitness chronicle of the First Crusade, he changed more than just the style and the title. One of Guibert's most significant additions to his model was vitriolic anti-Jewish rhetoric. The present article explains some of the reasons why Guibert felt the need to deride the Jews of the Old Testament, particularly the Maccabees, as part of his narrative of the First Crusade. It attempts to demonstrate that Guibert's playing down the achievements of Jewish warriors of the past was inseparable from his aim to present crusading, to quote Jonathan Riley-Smith, in ‘theologically acceptable terms’, as a spiritual enterprise.     

The French Radical Right: From Anti-Semitic Zionism to Anti-Semitic Anti-Zionism

This article highlights the deep ambiguities of the French radical right's vision of the future of the Jews. While being hostile to the Jews' integration into the French nation—whose Catholic nature they are alleged to corrupt by promoting Anglo-Saxon liberal and cosmopolitan values—the far right at first manifested sympathy for Zionism, the perfect solution for expelling the Jews. At the same time, although it despised Arab immigrants in France, it nonetheless had a positive view of the values of the Arab world, seen as being hostile to money. Subsequently, except for the period of the Algerian War, when its interests seemed to coincide with those of Israel, the far right became fervently anti-Zionist. Today it rushes to the aid of the Arab world (from Palestine to Iraq), which is seen as dominated by the State of Israel, an instrument of international capitalism.     

From sacred history to historical memory and back: The Jewish past

This paper deals with the manufacture of collective memory in the Jewish experience. The first section describes the patterns provided by sacred history. Based on the case study of the Jewish communities of Jerba, Tunisia, the second section explores how local events are elaborated and conceptualized to conform to the paradigms of the religious tradition. In the third part, the life stories and autobiographies of North African Jews who have emigrated to France serve as a basis for investigating the relationship between individual memory and sacred history.     

Book reviews

Books reviewed:
Bernhard Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen). Teil II: Laon–Paderborn
Ross Brann, Power in the Portrayal: Representations of Jews and Muslims in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Islamic Spain
Constance Brittain Bouchard (ed.), The Cartulary of Monitier-en-Der, 666–1129
Martina Giese (ed.), Die Annales Quedlinburgenses
Helena Hamerow and Arthur MacGregor (eds), Image and Power in the Archaeology of Early Medieval Britain. Essays in Honour of Rosemary Cramp
Matthias Hardt, Gold und Herrschaft. Die Schätze europäischer Könige und Fürsten im ersten Jahrtausend
Michael W. Herren and Shirley Ann Brown, Christ in Celtic Christianity: Britain and Ireland from the Fifth to the Tenth Century
Susan Irvine (ed.), MS E
Michael Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and its Cities
Leonora Neville, Authority in Byzantine Provincial Society, 950–1100
Aliki Pantos and Sarah Semple (eds), Assembly Places and Practices in Medieval Europe
Victoria Thompson, Dying and Death in Later Anglo-Saxon England     

“六日战争”对美国犹太人族群认同的影响

20世纪60年代,"大屠杀"话语的传播引发了美国犹太人对族群命运的担忧。在"六日战争"前,面对阿拉伯国家的反犹宣传及其对以色列的重重围困,美国犹太人担心"再次大屠杀"会发生,从而促使美国犹太人对以色列的生存产生深度忧虑。美国犹太社团逐渐把维护以色列的特殊利益和争取美国社会对以色列的同情与支持,作为游说活动的主要目标。美国犹太游说组织通过舆论引导、公开呼吁、经济动员等方式积极进行游说。"六日战争"后,美国与以色列之间的特殊关系迅速发展。美国犹太人的民族自信心和自豪感显著提升,并自觉地将以色列与自身的命运紧密相连。他们在归属意愿、宗教情感、对以色列的文化兴趣、青年群体族群意识等层面表达对以色列的认同,以色列在美国犹太人族群认同中发挥的作用凸显。     

陕西安康紫阳北五省会馆壁画颜料分析研究

陕西安康紫阳北五省会馆壁画是目前陕西省境内发现的最大的一处建筑壁画,为了解其颜料组成,本工作采用X射线荧光、偏光显微镜、X射线衍射、激光显微拉曼光谱及扫描电镜能谱分析相结合的分析方法,对颜料样品进行了分析。结果表明,北五省会馆壁画除正殿发现一处红色染料外,其他均为无机颜料;红色颜料主要是铅丹、朱砂、铁红;绿色颜料为氯铜矿、石绿、斜氯铜矿;蓝色颜料的主要成分是普鲁士蓝、smalt、石青;黄色颜料为雌黄、铁黄;褐色颜料的主要成分是铁红及铅丹的变色产物二氧化铅;黑色为炭黑;白色颜料主要是铅白,且多使用铅白作为调色颜料。研究结果对于了解清代民间壁画的制作工艺,丰富对陕西建筑壁画的认识具有重要意义。     

Into the Spiral of Problematic Perceptions: Modern Anti-Semitism and gebildetes Burgertum in Nineteenth-Century Germany

This article attempts to relate modern anti-Semitism to theincreasingly close interactions of Jews and non-Jews in an ageof political emancipation and social integration. It arguesthat the changing mutual perceptions of Jews and Protestantsin the German educated bourgeoisie are of central importancein this regard. In nineteenth-century Germany, literature movementssuch as realism, and various human sciences such as anthropology,Protestant theology or philology provided ample material fordiscussing the Jewish character. These fields suggest four waysof perceiving Jews: the Jew as parvenu, as Talmudist, as materialistand as nomad. Indeed, bourgeois Jews themselves contributedto these literary and scholarly debates. Their discussions werefrequently shaped by the attempt to confront anti-Jewish misconceptions.Moreover, they propagated their own interpretation of the Jewishcharacter: the figure of the humanistic Jew. This Jewish interpretation,which identifies a universal mission, proves to have a twofoldnature: it is not only a counter-attack against anti-Semiticpolemics, but also a particular result of the peculiar Jewishadaptation of bourgeois culture. As the article argues, however,this humanistic perception of Jewish identity caused concernon the Protestant side, which led to further polemics and thusfurther Jewish defence. The resulting spiral of problematicperceptions was the consequence of the growing social intimacyof bourgeois Jews and Protestants in nineteenth-century Germany.Modern anti-Semitism, it is thus argued, can be interpretedas a specific form of rejection of ambivalence and the establishmentof neat binary codes in the confusing closeness of Jews andnon-Jews.