精美绝伦的福建私票印章

随着福建私票成为纸币收藏的宠儿之后,加盖在福建私票上的印章因刻工精巧、造型多样、内涵丰富,具有福建地方特色而受到藏家的喜爱。本文拟对福建私票印章进行分类并予以命名,以此展示其精美绝伦的一面。     

清、民国时期福建私票的特点刍议

中国是世界上四大文明古国之一 ,同时也是世界上使用纸币最早的国家之一。因此 ,发掘、收藏、研究纸币及其相关材料 ,弘扬中华货币文化 ,具有十分重要的意义。本文试图通过辨析纸币实物、解读文献资料 ,归纳出清、民国时期福建地区行用的单面竖式私票(俗称“直票”)的特点。不妥之处 ,请斧正。一、福建私票的上限、存世的种类及数量1 福建私票出现的上限为道光年。福建“直票”属私票性质 ,其行用的上限究竟是何年 ,是所有纸币爱好者、研究者想弄清的一个重要课题。清道光至咸丰年曾在福建为幕僚的浙江钱塘人施鸿保所著的《闽杂记》 ,为我…     

俄藏敦煌汉文写卷中的官印及寺院印章

在敦煌文献中可以经常看到盖有官印或寺院印章的文书。但是非常遗憾,文书中保存下来的印章,尤其是官印,大部分都已残缺不全了,而且,对其中的大多数都没有人进行过深入的研究。尽管如此,根据印章残留的部分还是很成功地再现了其原貌,并且,这些复制品的尺寸与原件尺寸保持一致。根据此,我们可以确定在斯坦因、伯希和及北京收藏的文书中也有类似的印章,这些文书有一部分在当时已发表过。而巴黎收藏的文书直接由陈祚龙进行整理和研究。对敦煌文书中印章的研究我们有一个非常明确的、且具有实际意义的任务:即根据文书中的印章来初步确定文书的年…     

雅尚自若 不与俗同——寿山石印章

素有"四大印石"之首美称的寿山石,其印章常以"芥子之中纳须弥"的气势,深得文人墨客及王公贵胄所钟爱和青睐,也是许多寿山石收藏者所最为注目的"绝代佳人"。寿山、青田、昌化、巴林是我国著名的四大系印章石。其中,寿山石因产于福建北部寿山乡而得名,寿山石印章材质有130多种,近千年的开发使得印章石材已经接近枯竭。材质的稀缺,再加上名家篆刻,名人使用,寿山石印章作为经典藏品的价值如日     

黄姬水印章伪作一例

上海博物馆编《中国书画家印鉴款识》(文物出版社,1996年第七次印刷本),在明代画家黄姬水"字号"栏中,有"工雅山人"别号。本文结合《续书史会要》、《粤西文集》等文献,以及故宫博物院收藏的黄姬水《行书杂诗》卷、《行书唐子西诗》轴上面的款识、印章加以考证?,认为"工雅山人"为"士雅山人"的误读,是一方伪印。由此推断,凡款识或印章是"工雅山人"的作品均为伪作。     

见证革命战争历史的军事印章

军事印章,不仅可以反映一定社会的政治制度和文化,而且也见证了社会的军事史和战争史。中国人民革命军事博物馆收藏了数百枚军事印章,这些印章不仅从各个方面见证了中国共产党领导的人民革命战争的历史,而且它们在使用、流传和收藏的过程中,还有许多鲜为人知的故事。     

从吕超自用印章谈吕超

我业余爱好篆刻,因此注意收藏印章、印谱、印记盒以及相关资料,久而久之,日积月累,颇有收获。     

印章与考古

春秋战国至秦以前，印章称为“鉩”或“玺”。秦统一六国，皇帝的印信称为“玺”；官、私所用的均改称为“印”。至汉代，官印中始有称“章”或称为“印章”。唐代女皇帝武则天执政后，认为“玺”音近“死”不吉利，遂改名称“宝”。此后至清代，凡是皇帝所用的印章一般都称为“御宝”，或称为皇帝的凭信。     

咸阳市杨陵区出土的一批秦汉印章与考释

咸阳市杨陵区出土的一批秦汉印章与考释李朝阳,马先登１９８９年以来,咸阳市杨陵区文化馆文物组先后在古邰国遗址附近征集到七枚秦汉时期的印章,这批印章已移交咸阳市文物保护中心收藏,现将这批印章作如下介绍和考释：一、李博士印：瓦纽,铜质,印面为正方形,边长１...     

西藏文管会收藏的元代印章

公元十三世纪中叶,西藏地区正式纳入祖国版图,成为中央政府统辖的一个行政区。当时,西藏地方的官员都由元朝政府直接任免。从西藏自治区文管会收藏的元代八思巴文印章之丰,足以说明元朝封授西藏的僧俗官员是很多的。现择要介绍九方元代印章于下。宣政院印(图一、二)     

Tourism consumption and the imagination of money

This paper supplements exisiting research on tourism consumption through a focus on money. It draws upon recent work in the geography of money and economic sociology, arguing that the understandings of money used by consumers are of importance to the social formation of tourism. Using a theoretical framework that links consumption studies and reconceptualizations of money, the paper develops a qualitative case study of British long-haul travellers. It concludes that consumers' understandings of money are integral to the ways in which tourists seek to engage with destinations, and points out some implications for the politics of tourism.     

上海金融业与金圆券政策的推行

1948年的金圆券政策及其推行有着多方面的内容,包含着复杂的关系,其掠夺性、不合理性的显现有一个过程,上海金融业对金圆券政策态度从遵行、异议、批评到反对也有转变的过程。以往对金圆券政策问题的研究,主要以国民党政权及其国家行局为主体,以其相关决策及实施为主线,其研究比较简略和狭窄;其实,选择上海私营金融业为考察主体,以当时私营行庄公司如何应对实施金圆券政策的各主要方面为研究主线,着重从私营金融业的基本态度、金银与外汇资产、利率、资本升值和现金增资等方面进行探讨,可以进一步深化对金圆券问题本身以及对20世纪40年代末上海金融业与国民党政权关系的研究。     

Research on the history of the third world in Scandinavia

The aim of this paper is to challenge some of the established views on monetary and economic aspects of medieval Norwegian history. This challenge is not only based on a different understanding of the evidence, but also on new interpretations of documentary and numismatic evidence. Contrary to what has been the general understanding I argue that money was available, and it was, in longer periods of time, available within a framework of a well organized monetary system with large coinages. In the second half of the 12th century, coins became distributed and used among a larger group of people in rural areas than ever before. In market places and towns, money economy was emerging in the 11th and 12th, and probably seen partly in effect in the 13th and 14th century. If we accept the evidence for coinage and the use of money as being widely distributed, or even accept it partly, it opens up a range of new perspectives to use as starting points for understanding medieval monetary and economic history in Norway.     

户部官票版式初析

咸丰年间,因太平天国军起义及黄河连年决堤,清政府税收大减,财政窘迫,国库日渐空虚,为筹措补救军饷、修筑河道费用,解救财政危机,朝廷不得不一改长达一百八十余年不印发纸钞的初衷,于咸丰三年(1853)开始发行户部官票与大清宝钞.     

2009北京·中国历代纸币展综述

由纸币收藏家丁方忠、张安生、陈昌滨、刘继辉、冯乃川(香港)、马长海、王宣瑞等七人共同发起,北京收藏家协会主办,北京先锋集钞文化传播有限公司等协办,北京市钱币学会学术支持的2009北京·中国历代纸币展于2009年11月10-20日在首都博物馆举行。     

武汉发现大批清代钱庄票的调查与考证

2006年12月初,武汉市收藏品市场上,陆续出现多张清代同治和光绪年间武昌府"裕盛钱号"发行的木刻版钱票,引起本地民间钱币爱好者的广泛关注,钱票一露面,立即被纸币爱好者及钱商所收藏.     

Colonial Virginia's paper money regime, 1755–74: A forensic accounting reconstruction of the data

In this article, the author reconstructs the data on Virginia's paper money regime using forensic accounting techniques. He corrects the existing data on the amounts authorized and outstanding, and reconstructs yearly data on previously unknown aspects of Virginia's paper money regime, including printings, net new emissions, redemptions and removals, denominational structures, expected redemption tax revenues, and specie accumulating in the treasury for paper money redemption. These new data form the foundation for narratives written on the social, economic, and political history of Virginia, as well as for testing models of colonial paper money performance.     

陈云与新中国货币制度建设

陈云是我国金融工作的卓越领导者。陈云金融管理的核心思想,一是强调货币发行权集中于中央,二是反对通货膨胀,保持物价稳定。建国初期,在他的指导下,我国建立了新型的货币管理制度,开始在货币发行与流通、银行信贷、企业结算等方面实施有效的管理;我国于1955年3月顺利发行人民币新币,完成了货币制度划时代的重大革新;他还领导经济管理部门积极探索稳定人民币币值的有效途径,为我国平抑物价、治理通货膨胀积累了成功的经验。     

The Magic of Money and the Magic of the State: Fast Money Schemes in Papua New Guinea

As Keith Hart (1986) articulated in his neat phrase ‘two sides of the coin’, money and the state are inextricably intertwined. However, academic discussions of the state tend to fall under the heading of ‘governance’, with implicit reference to democratic ideals, while money is regarded as ‘economics’, a field dominated by ideas of the market. In this paper, I use material from U‐Vistract, a mass Ponzi scam to show how quasi‐magical ideas of money and wealth have grown out of the disillusioning experience of the state in its failure to deliver ‘development’. These imaginings of prosperity entail a different kind of state, based on the moral reform of Christian citizens and political leaders and the reorientation of the banking system to deliver benefits to ordinary people. As the Royal Kingdom of Papala, U‐Vistract sought to be seen to be like a Christian state and so deceived its investors into thinking that they were participating in a moral project that would allow them to redress the short‐comings of the Papua New Guinean state. As the scam took on the appearance of the state, so the state came to be seen as a scam.