美国撤离土耳其“朱庇特”导弹的决策、交涉及影响

20世纪50年代末,美国将可携带核弹头的"朱庇特"导弹部署在土耳其。除遏制苏联的军事需要之外,"朱庇特"导弹对土耳其还有着重要的政治和心理价值。古巴导弹危机期间,美国一方面决定撤走"朱庇特"导弹来换取苏联撤走古巴导弹,另一方面采取措施避免此举破坏美土关系。不过,美国在提供补偿方面未能满足土耳其的要求。"朱庇特"导弹的撤离导致土耳其对美国信任度下降,弱化了美土同盟关系,迫使土耳其政府重新审视之前"亲西方"的对外政策,继而转向更加独立自主的多元外交。美、土两国围绕"朱庇特"导弹撤离产生的纠纷,反映出冷战时期美国与其盟国由于国际地位和综合实力相差悬殊和审视问题的视角不同,难以形成共同的利益诉求和战略意志。     

从“激进革命”到“启动现代化”——东南亚冷战视阈下的印尼外交政策转变探微(1963-1969)

20世纪60年代中后期,印度尼西亚的外交政策发生了巨大的转变,从反对殖民主义、帝国主义的激进革命外交转向全面接受以美国为首的西方国家和国际组织的援助、将发展和现代化作为外交政策的出发点。印尼外交政策的转变是马来西亚危机升级、美英中等大国介入争端以及"9·30"事件导致的印尼国内政局的变化等多重因素共同作用的结果。印尼政府从激进革命外交转向发展与现代化,使东南亚的区域合作成为可能,1967年东南亚国家联盟的建立标志着发展主义成为东南亚多数国家的选择。"冷战"与"革命"、"非殖民化"、"现代化"等诸多问题共同构成了二战后东南亚地区多元构造的历史图景。     

英国对中巴边界谈判的外交干涉及其失败——基于英国档案的考察

在中巴宣布开启边界谈判之初,英国在密切关注的同时,因不愿卷入印巴克什米尔之争而避免直接介入。随着中巴边界谈判的进展,英国一度加大介入力度,积极推动印巴和谈并以此为由要求巴基斯坦延迟签署《巴中边界协定》,但在巴基斯坦坚持签署《巴中边界协定》后,英国又转而对巴基斯坦实施安抚政策。英国对中巴边界谈判外交干涉行动失败,其主要原因既是英国不能满足巴基斯坦的安全需求,无法阻止巴基斯坦追求其国家利益,同时也与英国断定巴基斯坦不会从根本上改变亲西方的外交政策和不愿过多地介入印巴克什米尔之争有关。     

浅析斯特莱斯曼的“稳西活东”策略

20世纪20年代中期魏玛德国外长斯特莱斯曼冷静地分析了魏玛德国所面临的国内外形势,从德国现实出发,凭借高超的外交技巧,纵横捭阖,制定了“务实”也有人说是“理智”的外交政策。他坚持东西方平衡外交政策,即“稳西活东”策略,最终恢复了德国在国际体系中平等的大国地位。这是德国外交史上的一个辉煌时期,在20世纪20年代的国际关系史上留下了浓墨重彩的一笔。可以说,德国政治经济地位的恢复在很大程度上是其成功的外交政策——斯特莱斯曼外交实施的结果。     

缅甸中立外交的缘起(1948—1955)

1948—1950年,缅甸口头上宣称中立主义,实际上却推行亲西方的外交政策。朝鲜战争爆发后,吴努政府很快意识到结盟对自身国家安全的危害,而此前与英美两国的接触亦让缅甸体察到了西方世界的"不可靠"及其通过援助干涉缅甸内政的可能性。于是,缅甸决定初步尝试在东西方之间保持平衡。1953年下半年,中苏两国对外政策的调整、美国对李弥部队的暗中支持、西方援助的拖延迟缓和缅甸大米的明显滞销共同促使吴努政府主动改善同社会主义国家的关系,进而将中立主义作为缅甸外交的根本原则。总体而言,外部环境的变动是促使缅甸选择中立外交的主导力量。缅甸的外交转向绝非个案。面对愈演愈烈的东西方冷战与结盟已经或可能带来的诸多负面影响,20世纪五六十年代在对外交往中避免按照意识形态划线和不结盟最终成为诸多新兴民族独立国家的共同选择。     

文明交往语境下中东史学术体系的构建——《中东国家通史》读后

位于欧亚非三大洲之间的中东,具有极其重要的战略地位,也是人类早期文明与三大一神教的发祥地,对人类文明的演进与当今世界格局的变化产生了重大影响。中国的中东史研究起步于20世纪50年代,随着新中国把支持亚非拉民族解放运动作为外交政策的重点,第一代学人开始把教学与研究的视野转向中东。60年代,     

论20世纪20年代苏联的外交政策

我国学界对20世纪20年代苏联对外政策存在不同的评价意见。本文从斯大林、契切林的外交政策理论以及他们对苏联外交政策影响的角度对20年代苏联对外政策进行了探讨。认为斯大林、契切林都继承了列宁晚年的外交思想,斯大林在20年代已经把世界革命的胜利寄希望于未来,提出了“一国社会主义”理论,契切林已把社会主义的未来和东方被压迫民族的解放运动联系在了一起。在对外政策方面,斯大林、契切林都把苏联国家利益放在外交政策考虑的优先地位。在实践上,虽然斯大林有时依然表现出了对世界革命的追求,但契切林以其长期担任苏俄外交人民委员的经历和丰富经验影响了斯大林以及苏联外交政策的制定和实施。从整体上看,苏联20世纪20年代的对外政策尽管存在一些失误,但基本把握住了列宁晚年思想的方向,为苏联国内建设创造了和平有利的外部环境。     

冷战后美国与日本的中东外交政策之比较

中东地区处于欧、亚、非三大洲结合部,拥有丰富的石油等战略资源,在世界政治、经济中具有极其重要的地位,“关系着未来世界的发展前途”。９０年代以来,在世界格局向多极化方向发展的形势下,它成为世界大国争夺的焦点。日本和美国作为世界上经济最发达的两个国家,它们的中东外交政策存在着既相同又相异的地方。一、冷战后美国的中东政策１．海湾战争前后的美国中东政策冷战结束后,美国成为世界上唯一的超级大国。在海湾战争前后,美国政要多次阐述了中东在美国全球战略中的地位和冷战后的美国中东政策。其核心是：以海湾危机为契机,…     

论20世纪30年代波兰的等距离外交

第一次世界大战结束后,波兰得以复国。而此时法国成为欧洲大陆上实力最强的国家,波兰积极追随法国推行一边倒的外交政策。到20世纪30年代时,欧洲的政局发生了重大变化,波兰东西两边的苏联和德国实力逐渐增强,处于夹缝之间的波兰的安全受到了重大威胁。为求自保,波兰在德国和苏联之间推行了等距离外交。但由于各种原因,波兰的等距离外交并没有挽救它再次被瓜分的命运。     

民族主义视角下的埃以和谈

中东政治的发展始终伴随着民族主义的嬗变。20世纪七十年代末,埃及在萨达特的领导下奉行埃及民族主义,与以色列走向和谈,中东和平进程取得突破性进展。本文阐述了埃及民族主义的内容及其对埃及外交政策的影响,并深入分析它对中东和平进程的历史作用,为中东地区的长治久安寻求有益启示。     

Turkey and the Palestinian Question: The Shift of Roles in Foreign Policy

For Turkey, which was seeking a leading role in the Middle East, the Palestinian Question became a priority in its foreign policy during the late 1990s. In this article, it is argued that the role Turkey primarily espoused in the resolution of the Palestinian Question in the period 2000–2009 has mainly been that of a communicator. Nonetheless, in times of crises between Palestine and Israel, Ankara lost its neutrality and credibility to some extent, as it shifted to the role of guardian of Palestinians and proponent of Palestine, thereby undermining its communicator role. Finally, this dilemma in Turkish foreign policy in the Palestinian Question was the fundamental impediment to Turkey's sustainable and constructive contribution to the settlement of the problem in the examined period.     

From Idealism to Pragmatism: An Analysis of China's Policies toward the Middle East

After World War II, the Middle East stage attracted Beijing's attention. While Israel and China proved at that time to be too diverse, through the 1950s China made inroads with Arab countries. Egypt became the first to recognize the P.R.C., which, however, suffered rebuffs as anti-Communist forces generally prevailed in the Middle East. Beijing supported the people of Palestine. After the Soviet Union had become China's enemy, China tried to unite the Third World against the two superpowers. With Deng in 1978, China's Middle Eastern policy became more pragmatic, tilting toward the developed countries and economic cooperation rather than ideology (e.g., with Yemen). China enhanced relations with Gulf states; cooperated with the United States in supporting the Afghan mujahedin; and declared neutrality in the Iran-Iraq War, although economic alliance with Iran grew. The Gulf War affected Beijing's attitudes toward weapons technology and toward the United Nations and China's role in it. Israel is currently viewed as a channel for possible influence with the West. Overall, China's basic policy now is to watch and wait.     

Examining the Impact of Turkey's Approach Vis‐à‐Vis Syria into Turkey's Iraq Policy

The tension between “international order” and justice has long been a focus of critical attention of many scholars. Today, with the rise of the humanitarian crises, the debate is once again visible, and Turkish foreign policy is one of the most important areas of observation of this tension. Indeed, the U.S.‐led invasion of Iraq in 2003 paved the way for Turkey to actively engage in regional affairs. Meanwhile, the need to bring human justice into world politics makes Turkish foreign policy decision makers operate on a much more humanitarian basis. Nevertheless, active humanitarian engagement poses an important challenge to traditional Turkish foreign policy as it is mainly based on the notion of “non‐interference,” as well as on the elementary components of international order, by raising suspicions on the intentions of the Turkish authorities. This article aims to explore the challenges Turkey has been facing since the U.S.‐led invasion of Iraq, and diagnose Turkish foreign policy vis‐à‐vis Iraq in the shadow of the Syrian civil war from Hedley Bull's framework of “order” and “justice.” It argues that Turkey's recent fluctuations in the Middle East could be linked to Turkey's failure to reconcile the requirements of “order” with those of “justice” and the Turkish governing party's (AKP) attempts to use justice as an important instrument to consolidate its power both in Turkey and in the Middle East.     

Turkey's "New" Foreign Policy toward Eurasia

Two geographers specializing in Turkey's international relations examine the reframing of foreign policy issues under the country's Justice and Development Party (JDP; also known by its Turkish acronym AKP), in power since 2002. After first locating the JDP within Turkey's current political landscape, the authors investigate how notions of civilizational geopolitics have led to a "new geographic imagination" under JDP that has influenced foreign policy thinking. The authors argue that JDP foreign policy exhibits some continuity with that of earlier governments in terms of activist policies toward Central Eurasia (comprising the Middle East, Central Asia, and Transcaucasia), but are based on a new conceptual foundation that views Turkey not as part of Western civilization but as the emerging leader of its own "civilizational basin" (consisting of the former Ottoman territories plus adjoining regions inhabited by Muslim and Turkic peoples). They then explore the implications for Turkey's future relations with the Central Eurasian region (of which Turkey is assumed to be the leader) and countries of the West (viewed now as "neighbors" but no longer "one of us").     

Convergence: The Classic Case Nazi Germany,Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism during World War II

Despite granting permission for limited Jewish emigration to Palestine in the 1930s, the ideology and policy of the Nazi regime never supported establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. During World War II, Hitler's ideologically consistent view that such a state would be a branch of an international Jewish conspiracy converged with shorter-term efforts to gain Arab and Islamic support for the Third Reich's military goals in the Middle East. The ideological convergence of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism found expression in the works of Nazi propagandists as well as in the speeches and radio addresses of Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, broadcast from wartime Berlin to the Middle East. Examination of the lineages, similarities and differences between Europe's totalitarian past and its aftereffects in the Arab and Islamic world remains an important task for comparative historical scholarship.     

The Abbott government and the Islamic State: a securitised and elitist foreign policy discourse

This article analyses the foreign policy discourse that surrounded the Abbott government’s 2014 decision to fight the Islamic State (IS). An analysis of parliamentary Hansard reveals that the debate featured three prominent axes: the legacy of the 2003 Iraq War; the strategies and objectives of the 2014 mission; and Australia’s domestic terror threat level. Throughout, the Abbott government not only marginalised dissenting views, but also justified its renewed engagement in the Middle East via a highly securitised and elitist foreign policy discourse. This finding has consequences beyond the battle against the IS. It reveals a deep-seated tension between the ideals of democratic pluralism and the reality that securitised and elitist foreign policy discourses protect governments from serious scrutiny.     

A forward strategy of freedom in the Middle East: US democracy promotion and the ‘war on terror’

Following the 11 September terrorist attacks, a belief has emerged that one of the root causes of Islamic extremism lies in the repressive nature of the regimes that populate the Middle East. Thus the spread of democracy has become a major component of the Bush administration's ‘war on terror’ Previously dismissed as Wilsonian idealism, the promotion of democracy is now considered a strategic necessity to address the threat posed by terrorism. Despite the significant role democracy promotion has played in the present foreign policy of the United States, the focus has tended to be on the more controversial policies of preventive warfare and coalitions of the willing. The purpose of this article is to help rectify this imbalance by examining the role the promotion of democracy plays within the current administration's foreign policy in the Middle East. It considers the logic behind America's ‘forward strategy of freedom’ in the Middle East as well as the likelihood of this strategy succeeding.     

Tidings from a Faraway East: The Russian Empire and Morocco

In 1898 the Russian Empire opened a consulate in Tangier, its first formal diplomatic mission in Morocco. This article examines the reasons behind Russia's approaches to the Sultanate in the wider context of Russian relations with the Arab Middle East. Russia's policy toward Morocco reflected a desire to build influence in the Arab world through ‘soft’ power - peaceful diplomacy laden with benevolent cultural and economic values. Strikingly, much Russian diplomatic rhetoric emphasized or pretended to cultural commonalities between Russia and the Middle East, focused on shared experiences of Islam, to position Russia as an influential ‘honest broker’ between Morocco and encroaching Western imperialist powers. This did not prevent France's establishment of a protectorate in 1912, but Russian goals in Morocco remained consistent through the First World War and up to the time of the Revolution of 1917, and mirrored efforts elsewhere in the Arab world.     

甲午战争前后东亚海权与海防的较量及其影响

一场甲午战争,使东亚海权格局剧变,由此构成中日两国命运变化的历史拐点。战前,中日两国面对西方殖民扩张的相同遭遇,展开了近30年的海军现代化建设,并在互为敌手的竞争中日益凸显于以英国为主导的东亚海权格局之中。然而,不同的战略选择决定了不同的命运,甲午战争用血与火诠释了海权与海防的本质区别及其决定性影响。正因为战败后的中国已完全置身于东亚海权格局之外,再次陷入有海无防的境地,导致海权得以坐大的日本推行"大陆政策"更加有恃无恐,在列强瓜分中国的狂潮中走上独霸东亚之路。     

20世纪50年代美国的中东政策——从欧米加计划到艾森豪威尔主义的诞生

艾森豪威尔主义是20世纪50年代美国艾森豪威尔政府出台的中东政策,旨在引导部分阿拉伯国家参与其全球遏制战略,共同抵御苏联对中东地区的渗透,它构成了其后几十年美国中东政策的基础.而艾森豪威尔主义是在欧米加计划不能有效处理中东问题的基础上诞生的,是对欧米加计划的公开阐明,这突出体现了美国中东政策的连续性.