浅谈历史教科书中的民族主义

历史教科书是传播民族主义思想的重要载体。当今世界主要国家,不论历史悠久还是短暂,国家意识和制度如何,都充分认识到在培养和增进本国民族认同、民族归属感的重任上,历史教科书具有得天独厚的作用。     

《史记》的历史文化认同意识

《史记》作为中国古代第一部纪传体通史,表现出了强烈的对中国历史文化的认同意识。它提出的“圣王同祖“的思想,以及在此基础上所精心编排的历史王朝的统系,反映了对中国古代政治统绪的认同意识;它宣扬华夷各民族同源共祖的民族一体性,强调夷夏民族一统,是对中国古代夷夏观念和民族认同意识的重大发展;它通过对中国历代地理沿革的历史考察和对汉皇朝大一统政治格局的反映与颂扬,体现了对中国古代统一多民族国家地理的认同意识。     

现代化进程中的民族主义——美国民族主义的历史轨迹

民族主义是现代化进程中特定时空下的产物,它在民族的形成和民族国家的创建过程中起过不可或缺的作用,甚至可以说没有民族主义便不会有近代民族的形成和国家的创建,现代化也就无从谈起。从历史的视角来看,民族主义在显示其推动历史前进的巨大进步性的同时,也正在日益走向非理性,给人类和现代化事业带来极大的破坏力。本文通过探讨历史上民族主义的缘起与演变来看近代美国民族主义的历史轨迹,为我们更好地解读美利坚民族的崛起和美国民族主义的持久活力提供有力的注脚,同时也对当代美国的民族主义霸权做出理性分析和解释。     

想象的共同体

民族主义这个词虽然在十八世纪被创造了出来,但是民族的观念并不是一朝一夕便能够形成的,更不是简单的通过资本主义移民、印刷科技还有官方的民族主义便形成了民族观念,使各地区在短时期内有了国家的意识,至少在中国不是这样的。中华民族是经过三千多年的朝代更迭逐步形成的,在这过程中形成了共同的文化,有着共同的语言与习俗。龙作为中华民族的的代表,具有典型的虚拟性,以及虚拟背后的民族认同性。     

公民意识视角下的少数民族大学生国家认同教育

部分少数民族大学生对民族认同与国家认同存在着一定的错位。为此,本文对民族认同与国家认同、民族意识与公民意识进行了辨析,重点分析了少数民族大学生国家认同的现状,并针对问题提出少数民族大学生国家认同教育的具体措施。     

解读安东尼·史密斯的族群-象征主义

安东尼·史密斯是当代西方民族主义理论的重要作家之一,他发展了族群-象征主义研究范式,强调民族与民族主义形成与演进的族群基础,历史记忆等文化认同因素受到他的关注。史密斯既重视真实的历史记忆也重视作为话语权的历史记忆,强调二者在民族与民族主义的形成与演进过程中共同发挥了重要作用。在具体的阐释过程中,史密斯一方面将历史记忆看成相对恒定的,民族主义者们有大体相同的历史记忆指向;另一方面将历史记忆看成变动不居的,其在民族与民族主义形成之后依然在不同的层面发挥着不同的作用。     

辛亥前后的“洪门民族主义”论说

民族主义既非洪门自身所固有,亦非纯由外部植入,而是清末激进知识人和革命派出于排满这一目标进行发掘和重新解释的结果,其中又汇入了19世纪以来西方人研究天地会的成果。"反清复明"这一形式化的洪门自我表述,经由激进知识人和革命者使用"种""族""类""种族""民族""民族主义"等抽象概念范畴进行历史化、理论化处理,被提升为基于狭隘的民族概念、带有鲜明种族认同色彩的民族主义,且被视为洪门的真实历史和固有传统,由此形成"洪门民族主义"这一特殊话语。此过程在提升洪门形象的同时,也遮蔽了洪门的某些真实面貌。民初以后革命派试图转向一种基于国家认同的宽泛的民族概念和民族主义,但他们沿用"洪门民族主义"跟会党切割,结果反而促进了"洪门民族主义"的传播。民族主义话语当中宽、狭两种民族概念仍然彼此纠缠,甚至相互混淆。     

重读斯大林民族（нация）定义——读书笔记之三：苏联多民族国家模式中的国家与民族（нация）

构建多民族的社会主义民族国家是列宁的建国思想;在建立各个民族国家的基础上实现苏维埃国际联盟是苏联建国的初始设计。斯大林模式主导的苏联中央集权体制不仅形成了各个民族无“国家”和联盟无“民族”的民族国家二元冲突结构,而且导致了苏联在反对民族主义的斗争中向沙俄帝国的回归,造成了国家认同与民族认同的分离。但是,这并不意味着斯大林民族定义之科学意义的丧失或过时。错误的实践既包括错误理论的指导,也包括对正确理论的错误理解或背离。     

对中国民族国家的认识

民族国家是现代国家的基本形态,具有领土、主权独立、垄断合法使用暴力、民族主义政治文化和统一的国内市场这五个特点。中国民族国家作为一个多民族国家,它的演变和发展有其自身的特点。本文从三个方面介绍了强化中国民族国家认同建设的途径和方法。     

民族主义的话语形式与民族认同的重构

民族主义运动中阶级、种族、性别等范畴的经验揭示：民族主义有可能成为一种隐含不平等权力关系的话语形式。本文认为其根源在于民族国家的同质性假设,因此要想实现个体在根本意义上的自由与解放,满足民族主义的文化诉求,就必须在新的基础上重构民族认同。本文认为在这方面可以借鉴后殖民批评理论在重新构建独立的民族认同这个问题上提出的有关思路和策略。但同时也必须注意后殖民批评理论本身的不完善性,而本土化语境会放大其理论缺陷,不仅使后殖民理论的本义遭到歪曲,且民族认同的内涵也会发生嬗变。     

War in Iraq, Revolution in America

In this lecture in honour of John Whitehead, Strobe Talbott reflects on the history of the international system, the emergence of the nation-state and the role the US has played in the formation of post-Second World War international institutions. He draws a distinction between the typical Westphalian nation-state, exemplified in Europe, and the United States, a nation based on the 'exertion of political will and championship of political ideas'—a distinction that helps to account for the strain of 'exemplary exceptionalism'; in the history of US foreign policy. Turning to a dichotomy of approach in the foreign policy of the current Bush administration, the author draws attention to the continuation of a tradition of 'moral clarity' on the one hand and on the other hand the introduction of a new concept that saw the preeminence of American power reordering a dangerous world. He believes the Bush 'revolution' in foreign policy reached its peak with the Iraq war and that there is now hope the US will recommit itself to the international institutions severely damaged over the past two years and will begin a new era in which America takes a leading role within a multilateral framework.     

The nation as seen from below: Rome in 1870

When Rome joined the Kingdom of Italy in 1870, its symbolic importance played a large part in its role as the new capital of the nation-state. That very symbolic weight, though, left but a small space for the Romans themselves, particularly the lower classes. While recent scholarship on Italian nation-building has explored the cultural project underlying its political developments, it still remains to be understood how the lower classes first experienced and responded to their incorporation into the nation. Courted by the new nation-state, its clerical opposition and its radical opposition alike, their Risorgimento was different from that of the Romantic tropes informing the new national politics.     

Imperial nostalgia: mythologizing Habsburg Trieste

This article reviews three recently published books on Habsburg Trieste, inquiring into the reasons for increased interest in this topic. The author suggests that this represents a type of 'imperial nostalgia' for the world we have lost, in particular for a political experiment in religious and ethnic diversity (as embodied by the flourishing of imperial Trieste's Jewish community) outside of the nation-state form. This nostalgia, in turn, reflects current concerns with identity, including scholarly attempts to theorize the contemporary situation in which the power of the nation state has been transformed. The analysis reveals that certain authors misread the realities of imperial Trieste through the lens of contemporary meanings of cosmopolitanism and tolerance. As an alternative, the article sketches out what the 'actually existing cosmo­politanism' of the Habsburg city consisted in.     

Catholic,Irish and Nationalist: evaluating the importance of ethno‐national and ethno‐religious variables in determining nationalist political allegiance in Northern Ireland

Irish national identity, political nationalism and Catholicism are the defining characteristics of the minority community in Northern Ireland. These identifiable ethno‐national and ethno‐religious characteristics have been the basis of communal solidarity that has transcended increasing socio‐economic heterogeneity within that community. Both of the Nationalist political parties in Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), draw their support almost exclusively from their community of origin. What is not known, however, is the relative importance of Irishness, Catholicism and Nationalism in shaping support for either party. Which of these ethnic identifiers is of greatest salience in identifying support for Sinn Féin or the SDLP? Drawing upon recent election survey evidence, this article attempts to rectify this information deficit, highlighting the weighting of components of ethnicity in determining intra‐bloc political allegiances.     

英国民族国家形成的政治动因——中世纪权力要素剖析

英国民族国家的形成是多种因素互动的结果。从权力政治学的角度考察英国民族国家形成的政治动因,可以发现,中世纪王权在权力政治发展中的演变历程正是英国民族国家形成的积累过程。英国民族国家形成的政治动因主要来自两个方面的作用:一是国家原则对封建原则的消解;二是以王权为代表的世俗权力与教会权力的冲突与斗争。在这两方面作用的互动过程中,王权在国家原则的制约下巩固与发展起来,为英国民族国家的形成创造了决定性的历史条件。     

Between nation and state: `fractured' regionalism among Palestinian-Arabs in Israel

Theories of nationalism have often overlooked variations in ethnic spatial settings, and have too easily subsumed nation and state. But nationalism surfaces in a variety of dynamic forms, such as among homeland ethnic minorities `trapped' within states controlled by others. In such cases `ethnoregional' identities often emerge, combining ethnonational and civic bases of identity with attachment and confinement to specific places or territories. Ethnoregional movements denote spatial and political entities which mobilise for rights, resources and political restructuring within their states. This is the case in the Israeli Jewish `ethnocracy', where an oppressed Palestinian-Arab minority resides in stable but confined enclaves which make up an Arab `fractured' region. The spatial, socioeconomic and political characteristics of the Arab struggle in Israel provide early signs for the emergence of an ethnoregional movement. This movement is creating a new collective identity, situated between Palestinian nation and Jewish nation-state. The ethnoregional interpretation challenges existing accounts which perceive the minority as either politicising or radicalising, and points to a likely Arab struggle for autonomy, equality and the de-Zionisation of Israel. Arab mobilisation also resembles other ethno-regional movements, whose persistent struggles expose embedded contradictions in the global `nation-state' order.     

A path towards Fascism: nationalism and large-scale industry in Italy (1910–1923)

In the decade before World War I, close connections developed in Italy between the nationalists and major elements of large-scale industry. As the Italian Nationalist Association, founded in 1910, became the main political reference for industrialists, the ties between nationalism and the business community helped to undermine the liberal state and end the political system established by Giovanni Giolitti. During World War I, the Nationalist Association developed close links with the Ansaldo company and supported it in the ‘parallel wars’ of Italian capitalism. Ansaldo went bankrupt in 1921, but the nationalists were able to establish relations with other entrepreneurs. Their connection with large-scale industry lay behind Mussolini’s decision in 1923 to accept the Nationalist Association into the National Fascist Party. Nationalism not only ensured that important economic forces would support the Fascist regime but its ideology significantly contributed to the building of Mussolini’s dictatorship.     

Exclusion through Inclusion: Female Asian migration in the making of Canada as a white settler nation

In this article I explore the ways in which concerns over nation, ‘race’, gender and sexuality shaped late nineteenth and early twentieth century debates on whether Canada should exclude or include female migrants from China, Japan and India in the emerging nation-state. In the late nineteenth century, Canadians began to debate whether to allow female migration from China, Japan and India. The vast majority of those who participated in the debate argued that female migrants from Asia should be excluded, as their exclusion would insure that male migrants from Asia would be rendered as temporary residents. On the other hand, there was a small but vocal minority who argued that female migrants from Asia should be allowed into Canada. As the presence of single male Asian residents raised the specter of inter-racial sexuality, these Canadians suggested that it would be prudent to include female migrants from Asia within the nation-state. These debates raise important questions for scholars who study the relationships between nation, ‘race’, gender and sexuality. First, they point once again to the importance of gender in constituting the racialized practices of the nation. Second, as most scholars have focused on the exclusionary aspects of nationalism, they complicate our understanding of race, gender and nation by illustrating that racialized politics of nation can lead to not only exclusionary but also inclusionary practices.