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Otto Warburg     
Abstract

In the ancient world the dividing line between the Arts and the Sciences was not so rigidly drawn as in recenl times. Poets and prose authors alike frequently crossed the boundaries in their literary works. Notable Greek interdisciplinary writers include Hesiod, Aristotle and Theophrastus and, among the Romans, Lucretius, Virgil and Pliny the Elder are the best known. Thus Aristotle wrote the Poetics on the nature of drama and related topics and, in addition to many other philosophical and scientific works, the Meteorologica, a mixture of sciences. Virgil composed the Aeneid, a national epic glorifying Rome and the emperor Augustus, and the Georgics, a handbook of agriculture. Pliny the Elder, the nineteenth centenary of whose death was celebrated on 24 August 1979, had wide-ranging interests. His works include a treatise on the javelin, a history of Rome's wars against the Germans and the unique encyclopaedic Natural History. The present review examines Pliny's career and assesses his contribution to the early history of mineralogy.  相似文献   

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德国汉学的重要奠基者福兰阁以研究中国历史见长,他坚决反对中国"无历史"和"永恒静止"等观点,深入探讨了古代中国的国家思想、中国文化的形成和发展历程以及中国传统文化在近代的命运和未来走向等问题,提出了许多发人深省的观点。他对中国国家思想的普世主义性质的分析、对中国人类思想的自然性、简单性和合乎逻辑性的论述等,虽然具有浓重的西方理论色彩和较大的片面性,但也能启发我们对中国历史和文化作出深入的思考。  相似文献   

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从20世纪80年代开始,一些回忆和研究文章认为,李德的真实身份是苏联情报人员,他任中共中央军事顾问不是共产国际派遣的,而是中共临时中央负责人博古邀请的。近年来俄罗斯公布的档案资料证明:李德到达中国后的身份是苏联红军参谋部第四局人员。苏联红军参谋部第四局的确是情报部门,但其对中国的工作性质与共产国际有着密不可分的关系。李德是被苏联红军参谋部第四局派到远东局工作的,任务是整理中国苏区的军事报告,供联共(布)、共产国际高层进行有关决策参考;并作为中共中央军事顾问组成员,协助远东局书记埃韦特指导中国苏区的军事行动。李德到中央苏区指导军事工作是经远东局提议共产国际批准的,不是应博古邀请而去的。  相似文献   

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This article discusses the inner coherence of Otto of Freising's Gesta Frederici and, by implication, the wider question of the ‘mode of perception’ in medieval historiography. Is there any connection between the philosophical and theological reflections expressed in digressions and explicit statements, and the apparently scattered and disconnected entries in his narrative? The answer to this question is positive. Gesta Frederici is carefully composed around a number of key episodes, connected to one another on the allegorical and typological level, which bring out Otto's central message about Frederick restoring the right order of the world. Book I describes the crisis in Church and Empire while Book II shows how Frederick heals this crisis by bringing peace in the Empire, governing in close cooperation with the princes, and uniting pope and emperor in close friendship for the benefit of the Church.  相似文献   

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Philipp Otto Runge (1777–1810) was a leading German Romantic artist whose iconography represents a transition from the Neoclassical iconography of classical mythology and allegory to an abstract semiotic system of signs based on a mystical interpretation of nature. An admirer of Herder's theory of language, Runge's iconography was representative of a trend among Romantic artists to promote nationalism and cultural values through the implementation of formal epistemological systems in the medium of art. Runge's individual iconography reveals a synthesis of rational and mystical systems of knowledge that emphasizes Herder's concept of the German Volk as a unique cultural identity, and presents an analogy between the creation of the cosmos, the organic origins of language, and the conception of the German Volk. Runge's iconography expresses the nationalist sentiments and linguistic theory of Herder that formed the basis of German propaganda movements during the Wars of Liberation, 1807–1815.  相似文献   

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One of the main myths about Australian political and economic history relates to the intervention in economic policy making in the 1930s by the Bank of England through the mission of Sir Otto Niemeyer. This article argues that Niemeyer's advice was not heeded. Rather, parallels between what he demanded and the Premiers’ Plan were largely confined to the level of rhetoric as part of a strategy to regain access to the London capital market. State expenditures were reduced gradually according to local political calculations and fiscal priorities, and not in step with the timetable set by the Bank of England. Far from weakening and dividing the Australian state, the federal separation of powers led to the gradual introduction of fiscal austerity, as state governments had little option but to maintain their role in complementing capital accumulation and facilitating social legitimation.  相似文献   

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This article discusses the inner coherence of Otto of Freising's Gesta Frederici and, by implication, the wider question of the ‘mode of perception’ in medieval historiography. Is there any connection between the philosophical and theological reflections expressed in digressions and explicit statements, and the apparently scattered and disconnected entries in his narrative? The answer to this question is positive. Gesta Frederici is carefully composed around a number of key episodes, connected to one another on the allegorical and typological level, which bring out Otto's central message about Frederick restoring the right order of the world. Book I describes the crisis in Church and Empire while Book II shows how Frederick heals this crisis by bringing peace in the Empire, governing in close cooperation with the princes, and uniting pope and emperor in close friendship for the benefit of the Church.  相似文献   

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Current scholarly orthodoxy holds that the German kingdom under the Ottonians ( c. 919–1024) did not possess an administration, much less an administrative system that relied heavily upon the 'written word'. It is the contention of this essay that the exercise of royal power under Otto the Great (936–73) relied intrinsically on a substantial royal administrative system that made very considerable use of documents, particularly for the storage of crucial information about royal resources. The focus of this study is on Otto I's use of this written information to exercise royal power in the context of confiscating and requisitioning property from both laymen and ecclesiastical institutions.  相似文献   

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This article analyses the Korean developmental state since the late 1990s, and argues that the state has continued to play a weighty role in the economy. The state guided industrial and financial restructuring after the Asian economic crisis, and intervened to stimulate the economy during the 2008 global financial crisis. In doing so, state elites have displayed a distinctive form of economic leadership that is largely consistent with the developmental state. Rather than focusing predominantly on performance-related indicators of state strength such as growth rates, this article analyses the deeper aspects of the developmental state, specifically its internal functions and its collaboration with business. The article brings politics back into analysis of the developmental state by questioning the assumption that strong economic performance is necessary for the maintenance of close ties between the state and chaebol. Instead, economic performance is better understood as a predictor of patterns of conflict and cooperation. Long-standing ties between the state and big business have endured two significant economic crises, even if the performance of the developmental state has been degraded compared to earlier decades.  相似文献   

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This study reassesses the conventional wisdom surrounding the developmental state of South Korea (hereafter Korea) since the 1997 Korean financial crisis. The conventional wisdom is that, as a result of the continued structural reforms prompted by the crisis, the Korean developmental state, inherently characterised by active or direct state intervention, strong economic and industrial policies, the chaebol-oriented economic policy, and labour exclusion, has finally begun to dissolve in earnest. In this study, we have considered whether that is really the case and also which theoretical implications can be drawn from this consideration. Analysis of the Korean developmental state following the 1997 crisis has indicated that, quite contrary to conventional wisdom, the developmental state has continued to prevail as a core policy framework of the Korean administrations even after the crisis. There is no doubt that the continued structural and market reform after the crisis certainly undermined the Korean developmental state to a certain degree, but that does not mean the beginning of the end of the Korean developmental state at all. For much evidence strongly indicates that the Korean developmental state still remains intact and strong despite the structural reforms, on account of the successive Korean governments’ assiduous and deliberate efforts to maintain and reinforce it. Even after the crisis, the Kim Dae-Jung and post-Kim regimes have hardly abandoned many of their market interventionist policies. Such market interventionist policies, which were routinely practised under the military regime in the 1960s and 1970s, diametrically contravene the argument that the Korean developmental state has begun to dissolve as a result of structural reform after the 1997 crisis. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the Korean developmental state persists as usual. All this information, then, suggests that path dependence is in action in the case of the Korean developmental state, and this suggests a further hypothesis that the Korean developmental state is very likely to persist in the future as well, despite increasing globalisation pressure, given the strong path dependence.  相似文献   

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刚刚过去的20世纪是人类历史上发展最快,变化最大,最动荡的一个世纪。标志着人类认识世界,改造世界能力的科学研究在上一个世纪里有了空前的发展。真正意义上的中国教古学在20世纪里,随着科学,实证的呼声应运而生。从安特生到李济,从夏鼐,裴中到刘耀,苏秉琦,自20世纪初科学的考古学方法传入中国以后的80多年时间里,  相似文献   

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Abstract

This paper quotes examples from the long list of past and contemporary national accords that have linked health to human rights. It describes the dimensions and urgency of the global threat posed by the current HIV/AIDS pandemic and its continuing global acceleration, and suggests that it is failure to address the associated societal, human rights, educational, poverty, and related issues that accounts for the failure to contain it. Stressing the essential nexus between these issues and the pandemic, it is pointed out that they are most pressing in those countries in which the pandemic is spreading most rapidly, that concurrent national or international strategies to deal with them would be essential prerequisites for the success of any HIV/AIDS control programme, and that success will call for wide international collaboration and response. Recent international action on HIV/AIDS is reviewed, including the Geneva (1998) and Durban (2000) meetings of international health planners and drug manufacturers, the Cologne (1999) and Okinawa (2000) meetings of leaders of the G8 countries, and the enactment by President Clinton (2000) of the Global AIDS and Tuberculosis Relief Act. In conclusion it is stated that in spite of the urgency of the need for such international action, there are still roles for special interest community groups and for governmental and non-governmental organisations. And, while it is recognised that educational campaigns by such groups are liable to run up against entrenched taboos or conflicting cultural norms, it is acknowledged that the significant drops in infection rates recently achieved in Senegal and Uganda are evidence that such campaigns, appropriately structured, vigorously administered, and promoting the appropriate societal transformations, can work. Finally, likely roles for youth led, peer directed educational initiatives are recognised.  相似文献   

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