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This article illustrates the development of Italian politics on emigration up to the end of the First World War (and even later), focusing on the operation and activity of the Commissariato generale dell’emigrazione (Commissioner-General of Emigration, 1901–27), a government agency that enjoyed considerable autonomy. The research is based on archival materials and the study of publications of the time, and proposes an unconventional view on the phenomenon of migration, as seen through the relationship between the evolution of the regulatory system and the political orientations of the ruling classes. Indeed, Italy progressively increased the freedom of expatriation, to the point of creating social legislation for the protection of emigrants, with the ambition of extending Italy’s influence over the countries of destination. This policy of migration interfered with foreign policy, and was at times influenced by the nationalism emerging in Italy at the time, even to the extent of provoking diplomatic disputes. For these reasons, the activity of the Commissariato generale dell’emigrazione created friction with the traditional consular network; these conflicts and the insufficient margin of autonomy given to the Commission in practice prevented the concrete completion of its more advanced projects.  相似文献   

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This article uses the prism of dress to explore the ways in which ordinary women negotiated Catholic morality codes in Italy during the great social transformations of the ‘economic miracle’ and afterwards. These years saw dramatic changes in gender roles and the influence of the mass media in society, as well as a rapid increase in migration, urbanization and financial well-being among Italians, and all of these changes were reflected in a very visible, everyday sense in changing fashions. At the same time, the Church was on the defensive and launched a morality crusade, focusing particularly on feminine ‘purity’ and modesty in dress, seeing more modern ways as a threat to Catholic values and traditions. Here, the advice column of Italy's leading – Catholic – magazine in these years is used to examine how individual Catholic women negotiated the competing influences of these years as they decided how to dress.  相似文献   

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This essay examines court cases involving insult to a public official, which came before the local courts in Rome in the second half of the nineteenth century. It underlines the gendered character of this particular offence, which was committed almost exclusively by men. The analysis correlates two aspects of these cases: the first is the context of the offenses, characterized by the application of a detailed set of local police regulations, and experienced as a limitation of masculine personal liberty. The second aspect relates to the institutional organization of the police forces and the masculine identity of the officers themselves. The combination of these two elements during interactions between population and the police forces meant that the subjects' gender became more significant than other variables (such as social class), to the extent that these interactions took on the inflections of a performative ‘face-off’. In this way the variable of gender brings into question the traditional reading of public order in the Liberal era as the product of a policy of containment of the popular classes.  相似文献   

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An 1850 article “Uzavírání sňatku” (“Marriage”) by Czech physician Jan ?pott outlined the requirements for those who considered themselves part of the Czech national community. ?pott stressed that those concerned with the future national existence had to educate themselves and each other to create healthy offspring. I examine ?pott’s article with regard to contemporary ideas about fitness, the role of women, the need to discipline the female body, as well as the importance of education in reproducing the community. This article’s analysis - set in the broader context of the history of women, medicine, and nationalisms - shows that nation-oriented education could be perceived as a way to ensure the nation’s future existence while simultaneously emphasizing the responsibility of individuals, and particularly women, for the reproduction of the community. ?pott’s propositions are significant to other nineteenth-century national movements and to postnational contexts where national fitness is a concern.  相似文献   

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This article examines Anglo–Dutch rivalry in the Banda Islands in the period from 1609 to 1621, with a particular focus on the process of claiming initiated by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and English East India Company (EIC). Historians have paid little attention to the precise legal justifications employed by these organisations, and how they affected the outcome of events. For both companies, treaties with Asian rulers and peoples were essential in staking out claims to trade and territory. Because so many different parties were involved, individual documents had to serve multiple purposes, both on the ground in the East Indies and at the negotiating tables back in Europe. Whenever a VOC or EIC official presented a treaty to a Bandanese leader, he had to recognise local power structures in the Spice Islands, but also needed to consider his European competitors in the area, his superiors in Batavia or Bantam, and the company directors back in Amsterdam or London. Consequently, the safest and most reliable course of action was to make as many arguments as possible, piling them on top of one another. The result was an inherently messy process of claiming, yet one that was also clearly intelligible to most parties involved, including Asian rulers and peoples. A constantly changing legal suite extended to freedom of trade and navigation, contracts and alliances with native peoples, just war, conquest, actual possession, and the (perceived) surrender of native sovereignty to European authorities.  相似文献   

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Between 1780 and 1820 crucial changes took place in the economic and cultural relationship between Denmark–Norway and its North Atlantic dependencies. In Greenland, the state imposed a stringent set of social and economic controls, at the same time when the restrictions on trade in Iceland and Northern Norway were relaxed. In 1776 the Royal Greenlandic Trading Company was established, but during the eighteenth century the waters around Greenland were a hub of international whaling trade as Dutch, American, and British ships came into contact with the Inuit, who were legally under Danish-Norwegian social regulation. This article uses records of Danish officials in Greenland and those of incidental observers to understand the disjuncture between the law of Denmark–Norway and the realities of Disko Bay. The officials contended with better equipped foreign ships, the Inuit desire to trade with these ships, and communication problems with the capital. This period is characterized by experimentation with different methods of production, contrasting strongly with the later nineteenth century, in which Danish–Greenlandic policy became more restrictive. By the nineteenth century international whaling trade had followed the declining whale stocks westward to the Canadian and American waters, so Denmark-Norway could impose these restrictions more easily.  相似文献   

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This article deals with the religious experience of the Federazione Universitaria Cattolica Italiana during the Second World War. Since many of the future Christian Democrat leaders that would rule the country after the conflict were formed in the ranks of the organization, most of the existing literature has tended to focus on the formation of this ruling class and their political trajectory and, has tended to overstate the origins and character of their anti-fascist departure, neglecting the initial support for many aspects of the Regime's war effort. This article contends, instead, that the most salient features of the war experience of the university students are to be located in the spiritual dimension and in their effort to contrive a religiosity adapted to warfare and modernity in general, interlaced with the powerful myth of a Catholic Italy that, at least in the early stages of the conflict, fuelled the expectations of many in the federation of a primordial role to be played by Italy in a new world order.  相似文献   

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