论日本对“清乡”活动的决策与主导

武汉、广州作战之后,日本调整对华战略,着力扶植伪政权,在所占领地区大肆开展"治安肃正"运动。在华中地区,日本与汪伪政权协同组织实施了声势浩大的"清乡"活动。日本大本营及侵华军事机构通过规划"清乡"活动的具体策略、主导控制汪伪政府清乡委员会的组织与活动、与汪伪政权签订一系列"清乡"协议、在"清乡"活动中牢牢控制军事指挥权等,使整个"清乡"活动完全服从于日本侵华的总目标和总战略。     

苏南反“清乡”:中共干部汪大铭的作战与生活

1943年春,日伪在苏南镇江地区发动"清乡"运动,同时重庆国民政府第三战区集结兵力从皖南北上苏南,"进剿"新四军主力,苏南抗日根据地面临极大的困难与危险。新四军主力跳出"清乡"区,留置精干队伍在日伪"清乡"区内坚持斗争。通过汪大铭日记及相关资料,可切实探寻日伪"清乡"区中共干部紧张作战、戎马倥偬的具体面相——昼伏夜出的生活方式,如何攻打日伪据点,开展群众工作,破坏封锁线竹篱笆等。经受反"清乡"历练的中共干部,一方面得益于成功的统战工作与群众路线,另一方面依靠自身的吃苦耐劳和坚定机智,成为深水之鱼,实现在日伪"清乡"区内长期坚持的目标,维持并打开了工作局面,艰难困苦、玉汝于成。由此也约略可见中共中层干部的培养与成长方式以及在困难危险关头,中共抗日根据地苦撑坚持的韧性。     

李士群被毒毙内幕

日伪时期大汉奸李士群之被毒毙,笔者曾亲耳听到参与其事者熊剑东妻子唐逸君的详述,颇可一记。 李士群先后任过伪警政部政务次长、特工总部主任、政治警察署署长、军事委员会调查统计部部长、清乡委员会秘书长以及江苏省省长等伪职,而使他掌握着生杀予夺大权的职位,则是伪特工总部主任。     

粟裕凭啥让日军钦佩

正1942年春夏之交,粟裕率领新四军在苏中战场,与日军旅团长南浦襄吉多次交手,彻底粉碎了敌伪的"清乡""扫荡"计划。当年6月下旬,粟裕获悉南浦襄吉纠集了400余人奔袭正在休整的后勤机关,立即做出突击部署,亲自指挥新四军在二鸾镇打了一场伏击战,歼灭日军第52大队一半兵力,击毙队长保田大佐。当新四军在三阳村举办军民庆功会时,突击营     

南通公安在反清乡斗争中的重要作用

过去一直认为,苏中四分区在抗日战争中取得反清乡斗争的胜利,是四分区军民在党的领导下,同日伪进行英勇顽强斗争的结果。参加南通市新四军研究会之后,通过深入学习研究苏中四分区反清乡斗争的有关史料,了解到南通公安机关人员在那场斗争中也发挥了很重要的作用。加强公安组织建设积极做好斗争准备抗日战争时期,日军为实现其＂以华制华＂＂以战养战＂的战略目的,策划并实施了清乡阴谋。日伪在对苏南实施清乡后,于1943年初将清乡从苏南扩张到苏中地区。     

对苏中四分区民兵反“清乡”斗争的历史研究

抗日战争时期,日伪为实现"以华制华"、"以战养战"的战略目标,策划实施了"清乡"阴谋。1943年初,日伪"清乡"区从苏南扩展到苏中地区,并把四分区作为苏中"清乡"首站。在中国共产党的领导下,苏中四分区民兵作为一支主要的武装力量,与抗日主力积极配合,历经一年多的浴血奋战,取得了反"清乡"斗争的伟大胜利,推动了苏中抗日根据地的巩固和发展。2013年是苏中四分区抗日反"清乡"斗争70周年,我们继承和发扬苏中四分区民兵高昂战斗精神同时,更要以史为鉴,给予新时期民兵工作更多的思考与关注。     

回忆打入日伪“清乡”机关里的战斗

日伪政权相互勾结而开展的劣迹昭彰的“清乡”运动,曾给沦陷区人民带来了巨大的苦难,也使敌后抗日根据地屡遭惨重损失。为了摸清敌人的“清乡”部署,我地下人员大胆地打入“清乡”机关,从而改变了反“清乡”斗争的被动局面。     

汪伪的县政与困境--以1941-1944年黄陂县为例

抗战时期,日本扶植汪精卫集团在沦陷区建立了伪中央政府和基层政权,目的是通过伪势力获得人力、物力以支持“大东亚战争”。黄陂县地处武汉外围,是汪伪统治的重点地区。:1941—1944年间,在日军的监视下,伪黄陂县政府试图通过宣传、奴化教育、“清乡”与协助日军筹集军需等手段,营造所谓“社会稳定”“民众安居”“中日亲善'和“...     

“和平运动”中的陶希圣

全文共分四个部分:1.陶希圣在"和平运动"初期是一个不可或缺之人。由于陶希圣的存在,形成了这样两个链条:一条是周佛海等"低调"者通过陶希圣、胡适,将意见转达给蒋介石劝其和谈,陶、胡由陈布雷引见给蒋介石;另一条"低调俱乐部"通过陶希圣与汪精卫交换意见;2.陶希圣参与筹建艺文研究会,从事"和平"理论的宣传;3.追随"和平运动"领袖汪精卫离开重庆之后,陶希圣虽然认为"主和无罪",但反对另立政府,并不断规劝汪精卫,成为"和平运动"中的少数派而被孤立;4.从陶希圣萌发去意到逃离"和平运动","高陶事件"的意义。展现1937年7月到1940年1月初,作为"和平运动"理论的提出者和积极实践者之一的陶希圣参与与退出"和平运动"的过程。     

论抗战时期苏常太地区的“清乡”与反“清乡”斗争

1941年下半年,日伪经过密谋策划与周密部署,对苏南地区发动了一场大规模的“清乡”运动。常熟,以其战略上的重要,地理上的优势和经济的富庶,被日伪确定为第一期“清乡”区的重点县。常熟的抗日军民于当年7、8两月经历了一场生与死的考验,接受了一次血与火的洗礼,在抗日斗争史上写下了英勇悲壮的一页。“清乡”与反“清乡”不仅是地方史上的一个重大事件,即便是在新四军军史、全国的抗日战争史上也是一件不可疏漏的大事。现笔者不计浅陋,将研究所得贡献于此。     

林林的生平与创作

林林是我国老一辈著名的外交家、书法家和诗人。青年时代留学东瀛,在日本参加左翼文艺运动,进行诗歌的翻译和创作活动。抗日战争爆发后,积极投入到反法西斯的斗争之中。解放以后林林先生长期从事外交和对外文化交流工作,并潜心研究日本文学,尤其在俳句的翻译和汉俳的创作方面有特殊的贡献,他在20世纪中日文化交流史上的重要地位是无人可取代的。本文主要从诗人、战士、使者、学者几个方面对林林先生的生平和创作活动进行介绍和评价。     

Challenging the Quimera (Sirena) Negra: Unamuno Reads Pardo Bazán

This article examines the literary relationship of Emilia Pardo Bazán and Miguel de Unamuno by analyzing Unamuno's 1905 review of La Quimera, as well as his tribute to Pardo Bazán on the occasion of her death in 1921. These two critical pieces, together with Unamuno's Dos madres and La tía Tula, reveal that while Unamuno dismisses Pardo Bazán's realism in his discussion of her works, he develops in his own fiction alter egos who struggle with dominant female figures, just as he competes with Pardo Bazán's model of authorship.     

1900年李鸿章与佐佐友房会晤考论

庚子年李鸿章于两广总督任上奉召北上,中途在上海期间曾与日本国会议员佐佐友房会晤。此事在近代中日关系史上颇具意义。综合利用中日文献钩沉这段历史,可知义和团事起后,李鸿章最早向日本做出了外交试探。抵沪后,他又策划派亲信杨崇伊搭乘日舰代行入京,从事秘密联络。他与佐佐友房的会谈,涉及义和团事件善后及日舰护送杨崇伊北上诸多问题。作为人所共知的"亲俄派"人物,李鸿章在对日外交方面多有表现,但是其"亲俄"色彩为日所忌,沪上外交也无奈地附着了浓重的国际政治阴影,仍以无果而终。     

一首超越死亡的歌——川端康成的《抒情歌》的世界

新感觉派运动从文坛消失之后,无论是日本文坛还是川端康成个人都迎来了一个黑暗的时代。在这样的一个低谷时期,川端在1932年发表的《抒情歌》中构筑了一个唯美的、纯粹的、童话般的死后的世界。这在一个既找不到生存的意义也找不到文学的意义的时代,可以说意义深远。这是川端的东方之歌,是川端在那个年代的超越死亡之歌。     

日本五良太夫正德入明考

五良太夫明正德来华学习制瓷,因为一向史料缺乏,遂成中日交通史上一大悬案,近50年来众说纷纭。笔者据李春亭家谱等史料考五良太夫确为明正德时人,从李送别五良太夫诗证实五良太夫于正德八年(1513年)确实来华并为日本了庵桂悟使团正式成员;再以王阳明送别了庵桂悟序证五良太夫来华确已经从事了青花瓷器制作。     

杜重远和《新生》周刊

杜重远创办的《新生》周刊是 2 0世纪 3 0年代国内群众性抗日救亡运动处于低潮时期产生过重要影响的刊物。在复杂而沉闷的环境中 ,杜重远通过《新生》这一阵地 ,坚持宣传抗日 ,揭露日本对华侵略的本质 ,号召广大民众依靠自己的力量抗日救亡。在中国近代民族民主革命进程中 ,杜重远是党外志士仁人的杰出代表。     

Historiography and Chinese modernity—A study of the historiographical ideas of Li Dazhao

ABSTRACT

In search of modernity in China, history played a crucial role. Many leading intellectuals in modern China were historians and/or historical thinkers. Despite his untimely death, Li Dazhao was particularly important. Among his cohorts, Li was arguably the first one who paid close attention to the need for the Chinese to change their views of the past and accept Darwinism as a new historical outlook. That Li later became an avowed Marxist also had a good deal to do with his belief in Darwinism or evolutionism. He was fully convinced that history moves along a linear progressive path, which enabled him and many others to argue the necessity of changing China for the modern. In a word, the acceptance of historical evolutionism paved the way for the commitment to modernity by the Chinese.     

太平天国时期的李鸿章家族

太平天国崇敬上帝,反对儒学,兼及道、佛,形成了中西文化的激烈对抗.崇尚儒、释、道的李鸿章家族起而抵抗太平天国,父死子继,直至太平天国失败.有大量此类家族与太平天国对抗,是太平天国失败的原因之一.太平天国当然是一次阶级斗争,也明显地具有文化冲突的色彩.     

Obedient children and reckless rebels: Jabotinsky's youth politics and the case for authoritarian leadership, 1931–1933

This article traces the pivotal role that ideas about “youth” and “generationhood” played in Vladimir Jabotinsky's political strategy as leader of the Union of Revisionist Zionists and its youth movement, Brit Yosef Trumpeldor (Betar). During the leadership struggle within the movement between 1931 and 1933, Jabotinsky believed that he could draw upon debates sweeping across Europe about the nature of youth, their role in politics, and the challenges of “generational conflict” in order to convince his followers that his increasingly authoritarian behavior was the only mode of leadership available to Zionist leaders in the 1930s. The article demonstrates that Jabotinsky's deliberately ambiguous and provocative constructions of “youth” and “generationhood” within the movement's party literature and in articles addressed to the Polish Jewish public, as well as the innovative ways in which he delimited “youth” from “adult” in his movement's regulations, allowed him to further embrace authoritarian measures within the movement without publicly abandoning his claim to be a firm proponent of democracy.     

Christian co-operation and the ecumenical ideal in the 1930s and 1940s

This article looks at the early ecumenical movement and the difficulties confronting Christian co-operation. It is particularly concerned with co-operation between the Roman and non-Roman churches. It explores how a combination of institutional suspicion, individual prejudice, and political considerations at both the national and international level, exacerbated an already complex and difficult situation caused by deep doctrinal divisions and ancient animosity. In addition to the institutional obstacles to be overcome in realising the ecumenical ideal, its advocates, despite believing in the principle and working selflessly toward its achievement, harboured severe doubts about the inclusion of the Roman Catholic Church which hindered the very task they had set themselves. Insights into this dilemma are provided by the struggle of William Temple, perhaps one of the most well known and respected figures in the ecumenical movement, to overcome his own anti-Roman sentiments and suspicions. Temple's inner conflicts and the influence of external events are key components illustrating the complex amalgam of problems that confronted early ecumenists. Post-war reactions following Temple's death to his efforts to facilitate a wartime approach to Pius XII serve not only to extend the insights, but also to demonstrate further the constraints and limitations imposed by secular as well as ecclesiastical politics.