比勒菲尔德学派和德国社会史研究

德国史学在世界历史学领域占有重要的一席之地,也因此固守传统很难有所改变。20世纪50年代,走出战争阴影的德国百废待兴,历史学研究也有了新的起点。德国近代史学家们逐步接受法国年鉴学派提出的结构史学的研究方法,为德国传统史学引入了新的元素。20世纪60年代末,以创新改革为宗旨创建的比勒菲尔德大学为历史学的创新打造了一个平台,以韦勒和科卡为首的近代史历史学家们在创建历史学系的过程中注重以结构史学的方法论解析社会演进,跨学科地分析政治、经济、社会和文化各因素的相互作用和影响对社会历史进程的推进,以研究“整体的历史”为宗旨,形成了以德国社会史为主要研究领域的比勒菲尔德学派。     

21世纪德国学界关于第一次世界大战责任和起源问题的讨论

20世纪60年代,德国史学界展开了著名的"费舍尔大辩论",第一次世界大战德国"完全责任说"由此成为定论,并历时半个世纪。随着新世纪的到来以及新时期德国经济和国际政治地位的变化,第一次世界大战的叙事模式发生了转向,"欧洲叙事"逐步代替了"民族叙事"。学界对第一次世界大战的责任问题产生了多种观点,"德奥主要责任说"、"塞尔维亚承担共同责任说",以及"大国集体责任说"等逐渐成为共识。在第一次世界大战起源问题上,研究也呈现多元趋势。学者们开始关注战前大国的心态变化、高层政治和军事人物的活动,并讨论战争能否避免的问题。本文在搜集最新相关出版物的基础上,概括分析21世纪德国第一次世界大战责任和起源研究的新特点,并指出其中存在的问题。     

史学研究方法的范例——恩格斯在德国农民战争史研究中所运用的方法

1850年,作为德国农民战争史研究的初步成果,恩格斯发表了《德国农民战争》。从19世纪70年代至90年代,他对此又进行了再研究。几十年间,恩格斯对德国农民战争史的研究,贯穿了一条历史唯物主义的红线,在战争的性质、战争的起源和结局、战争中各党派的立场等一系列问题的论证中,均闪耀着历史唯物主义的光辉。与此同时。对这一系列问题的研究,也充分体现了辩证唯物主义方法的巨大威力。可以说,恩格斯关于德国农民战争史的研究是历史唯物主义观点的集中阐明,也是辩证唯物主义史学方法     

日本战争责任资料中心与《战争责任研究》

日本战争责任资料中心与《战争责任研究》宋志勇近来,日本的民间研究机构──＂日本战争责任资料中心＂在日本的战争责任调查、研究方面异常活跃,取得了一系列重大成果,引起了海内外的广泛关注。该中心是１９９３年４月由日本著名的进步史学家、法学家、文学家及有关方...     

20世纪中国史学界对历史学性质的理论思考

历史学是否是科学的问题,在西方已讨论了200多年,在中国也争论了将近一个世纪。近代,由于自然科学的迅速发展,西方史学家提出,如果采用适当的方法去研究历史,就有希望得到科学的结果。20世纪初,中国新史学兴起。史学家们大量引进西方的史学理论,关于历史学与自然科学的关系、历史学能否成为科学的问题也引起史学界的极大兴趣。有人认为历史学是一门科学,或可以成为一门科学。有人认为历史学不是科学,而是艺术或其他学问。还有人认为历史学既是科学,也是艺术。     

治史理念与学术分野——以明成祖生母问题的争论为中心

围绕明成祖生母问题,20世纪三四十年代的学者们展开了激烈争论。这一争论牵涉傅斯年、朱希祖、吴晗、李晋华、王崇武等众多明史研究大家,涵盖治史理念、官私史料价值、史实真伪、学人关系等相关问题,为当时的明史研究带来了一股清新的空气。这一讨论折射出以傅斯年、朱希祖为代表的双方在史料观念与研究视角上的截然异趣。同时,这场学术争论还曾受到傅、朱二人个人矛盾激化的影响。对此问题进行深入考察,有利于加深对20世纪上半期中国史学演进的认识。     

论学相见恨晚——记杨联陞先生与刘家和师的一段学术交往

本文是旅美人文学者邵东方博士回顾我国著名史学家刘家和先生与著名美籍华裔史学家杨联陞先生20世纪80年代在美国一段学术交往的文字。邵东方早年师从刘家和先生,近年从事《竹书记年》研究。文中所述往事,展现老一代历史学家坦诚笃实的学者境界和同道相惜的胸襟情谊,也是中美学术交流的一段佳话。     

敌乎? 友乎?——德国曾援助中国抗日

说起20世纪三四十年代的德国和日本,许多人都知道他们是法西斯侵略集团,是二战的策源地,但也许并不知道,在中国抗战前,甚至是中日战争爆发后的一段时间里,德国这个日本的盟友,却一直是支援中国国防建设的主力军。德国的军火输入成了20世纪30年代中国军队发展的重要因素,而德国军事顾问团则给中国军队的现代化改造提供了大量的帮助。全部德式装备的国民党军队,曾一度让人们把淞沪抗战说成是德国的战争。但是,为何如此"亲密"的中德两国,在二战来临时却分道扬镳,最后各自走向了敌对的两个阵营?     

近20年来保加利亚史学界争论激烈的几个理论问题

保加利亚剧变以来,历史科学也发生了根本性的变化。近年来,保加利亚史学界围绕20世纪30年代及其后保加利亚社会是君主专制还是法西斯独裁、二战中有无反法西斯抵抗运动、1944年九.九起义的性质及其后的人民法庭审判的合法性,以及苏联是保加利亚两次解放者还是占领者等问题,进行着激烈争论,观点各异。争论的背后是意识形态和党派利益之争。     

德国学者关于俄国1861年改革研究述评

原联邦德国(以下简称德国)史学界秉承兰克史学的实证传统,以其掌握俄国学术成果及其史料的扎实功夫独步于西方史学之林。德国学者对俄国1861年改革的研究热情经久不衰,在20世纪60—90年代这方面的进展尤大。德国史学家围绕下述问题：1861年改革的社会、经济和政治前提,19世纪上半期资本主义关系渗透到农村的程度、工业转变和农奴制衰落的关系;1859—1861年革命形式和农民解放,改革准备时期各种政治力量的配置;19世纪下半期俄国农业资本主义水平、农业危机、农民经济和地主经济衰落的原因等做了大量研究,提出了一些颇有新意的见解。     

Historiography as a political battlefield (1956–1989): Italian left-wing historians on early German Social Democracy

The debate surrounding German Social Democracy during the era of the Second International represents an important chapter in the historiography of post-Second World War Italy. At the same time, it also marks some crucial moments in the political and intellectual life of Republican Italy. This article aims to show the close relationship between the investigation of the past and the ongoing political struggle that has characterised research on this issue. Study of the topic was practically monopolised by left-wing historians, who, in dealing with the history of German Social Democracy, aimed also to direct the political strategy of workers' parties. Considering the studies appearing after the 1956 crisis and in the mid-1970s, such a goal seems evident. It was only during the 1980s that the research opened itself to different perspectives – no longer influenced by ideological controversies.     

Emigrierte deutsche Historiker in den USA

German Refugee Historians in the United States. - After the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, some twenty historians left Germany. They had lost their academic positions for political and/or ?racial”? reasons. Most of them immigrated to the United States, and here they launched their second academic career. This intellectual immigration promoted the study of German and intellectual history and strengthened the development of comparative approaches in American historical scholarship. Many German refugee historians became interested in incorporating social science concepts into historical writing and thereby contributed to the advancement of a ?Social History of Ideas.”? Although some were originally skeptical of the democratic process, in emigration these historians absorbed and accepted the political value system of a democratic and liberal republic, a change that is reflected in their historical studies. Despite the fact that almost all refugee historians chose to stay in the United States, their books and guest professorships left their mark on the course of West German historiography.     

A neglected chapter in Italy's transition from Fascism to the Republic: The Kingdom of the South (1943–1944)

Gallerano's paper examines the reasons why Italian historians have paid little attention to the political events that followed the liberation of the Italian Mezzogiorno and the brief life of the government established under the auspices of the monarchy during the period of what was termed the Kingdom of the South. He argues that this neglect derives in part from the brevity of the period of civil government in the south, but mainly from the fact that historians have been attracted above all by the history of the Resistance which has led them to consider events in the south to be of secondary importance. Gallerano argues that such a view is quite unjustified and shows how some historians ‐ from Chabod in the early 1950s ‐ have understood that events in the south bore very directly on the broader transition from Fascism to the Republic. Challenging Renzo De Felice's recent claims that Italy's defeat on 8 September 1943 marked the beginning of a crisis of national identity, Gallerano argues that the circumstances that obtained in the months that followed made the south an exceptionally rich terrain for exploring the very contradictory feelings and expectations that were aroused in Italy by the experience of military defeat and political reconstruction.     

‘The Sustenance of Salisbury’ in the era of Decolonization: The Portuguese Politics of Neutrality and the Rhodesian Oil Embargo, 1965–7

This article investigates Denmark's international legal status during the Second World War. In exploring this theme it brings together two emergent research perspectives on twentieth-century international political history: (1) a growing interest in small states as actors and active interpreters of international political events in times of crisis and war; and (2) a focus on international law as an independent and so far underexplored research theme. From this double perspective the article highlights and analyses the unprecedented and unparalleled character of the legal relationship between Denmark and Germany after the German occupation of Denmark in April 1940. In doing so it places particular focus on how this situation was viewed and conceptualised by Danish politicians and legal experts. Thus it explores the complex entanglement of politics and law that characterised Danish attempts to bring about and consolidate the particular peaceful and ‘normal’ relationship with Germany as well as efforts to change this relationship and make Denmark a belligerent state. By analysing the four concepts of neutrality, non-belligerence, peaceful occupation, and war the article shows how these legal concepts served as political instruments that were pushed forward by competing and changing understandings of Denmark's international position and interests during the war. But it also shows how these legal conceptualisations were fundamentally structured by the general international legal and political developments of the war (the deterioration of neutrality and the emergence of long-term military occupation and guerrilla warfare throughout Europe). And it demonstrates how they gradually took on a life of their own and came to frame and shape perceptions of Denmark's international position - both among Danish politicians and bureaucrats during the Second World War and among historians to this day.     

对纳粹暴政与德意志历史最早的反思——德国流亡社会科学家与纳粹主义研究

德意志人对纳粹暴政以及德意志历史的反思并非始于第二次世界大战结束之后,而是早自1933年就开始了。只不过,它不是由当时生活在德国境内的德意志人,而是由一批逃出德国、流亡国外的德意志人开始的。美国高校接纳的德国流亡哲学家、政治学家、社会学家、经济学家和历史学家们最早开始了反思。这场反思不仅影响了西方政治理论的发展,更为重要的是,它还影响了战后美国对德国的占领政策和“民主化”的改造行动、联邦德国的经济重建以及德意志社会对自身历史的深刻反思。战后德意志社会的这场全面深刻的反思,正是在流亡美国的德国知识精英们所构筑的思想平台上进行的。     

NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE VANQUISHED STATE: GERMAN AND JAPANESE POSTWAR HISTORIOGRAPHY FROM A TRANSNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

The defeat of Germany and Japan in 1945 required historians in both countries to reevaluate the past to make sense of national catastrophe. Sebastian Conrad's The Quest for the Lost Nation analyzes this process comparatively in the context of allied military occupation and the Cold War to reveal how historians in both countries coped with a discredited national history and gradually salvaged a national identity. He pays special attention to the role of social, discursive, and transnational contexts that shaped this process to highlight the different courses that the politics of the past took in postwar Germany and Japan. The picture that emerges of German and Japanese historiography and the respective attempts to come to terms with the past is at odds with the conventional narrative that usually praises West German historians and society for having come to terms with their dark past, as opposed to postwar Japan, which is usually regarded as having fallen short by comparison. There was in fact far more critical historiographical engagement with the past in Japan than in West Germany in the 1950s. Reasons for the divergent evolution of the politics of the past in Germany and Japan should not be sought in the peculiarities of postwar national history but rather in an entangled transnational context of defeat, occupation, and the Cold War, whose effects played out differently in each country. These conclusions and others reveal some of the opportunities and special challenges of comparative transnational history.     

试论西贝尔的史学观念

本文试图从史料批判、连续性原则和政治观念三方面来探讨德国历史学家西贝尔构建的历史—政治史学观念体系,同时说明这种史学观念不但植根于德意志文化之中,更是针对当时的社会政治问题提出的一种解决方案。在这一体系中,西贝尔强调现实在认识历史中的重要作用,号召历史学家投身社会实践,在历史认识和生命实践之间的不断互动中,对历史进程进行不断的重新理解,由此而化解历史的客观性与历史知识的主观性之间的矛盾,从而体现出历史学对于社会和个人的价值。     

HOW NINETEENTH‐CENTURY GERMAN CLASSICISTS WROTE THE JEWS OUT OF ANCIENT HISTORY

This essay considers why Jewish antiquity largely fell outside the purview of ancient historians in the Germanies for over half a century, between 1820 and 1880, and examines the nature of those portraits that did, in fact, arise. To do so, it interrogates discussions of Jewish antiquity in this half‐century against the background of those political and national values that were consolidating across the German states. Ultimately, the article claims that ancient Jewish history did not provide a compelling model for the dominant (Protestant) German scholars of the age, which then prompted the decline of antique Judaism as a field of interest. This investigation into the political and national dimensions of ancient history both supplements previous lines of inquiry and complicates accounts that assign too much explanatory power to a regnant anti‐Judaism or anti‐Semitism in the period and place. First, the analysis considers why so little attention was granted to Jewish history by ancient historians in the first place, as opposed to its relative prominence before ca. 1820. Second, the essay examines representations of ancient Judaism as fashioned by those historians who did consider the subject in this period. Surveying works composed not only for the upper echelons of scholarship but also for adolescents, women, and the laity, it scrutinizes a series of arguments advanced and assumptions embedded in universal histories, histories of the ancient world, textbooks of history, and histories dedicated to either Greece or Rome. Finally, the article asserts the Jewish past did not conform to the values of cultural ascendancy, political autonomy, national identity, and religious liberty increasingly hallowed across the Germanies of the nineteenth century, on the one hand, and inscribed into the very enterprise of historiography, on the other. The perceived national and political failures of ancient Jews—alongside the ethnic or religious ones discerned by others—thus made antique Judaism an unattractive object of study in this period.     

On fascistization: Mussolini’s political project for Franco’s Spain, 1937–1939

‘Single party, single militia, single worker’s union, on these three pillars the great Spain of tomorrow will be built’, wrote Mussolini to Franco in August 1937, only four months after the new single party, Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, was created. From the Duce’s point of view, all the political tools developed to achieve a brilliant present and a greater future were the result of Italian intervention in the Spanish Civil War. The political implementation of fascism, the single party, corporativism, propaganda and economic modernization were considered to have been derived from Italy’s military and diplomatic involvement in Spain. But, surprisingly, that political presence has largely been undervalued by historians examining the political construction and nature of Franco’s Spain. This article re-evaluates the importance, and limits, of Mussolini’s political project in Spain: fascistization.     

From First Reich to Third Reich: German Imperialism and Early Medieval Scholarship in the Southeastern Alpine Region (c. 1919–1945)

This article explores how the early medieval past was used to justify Germanic political and cultural hegemony across East Central Europe during the first half of the 20th century. It highlights the ways in which medieval historians and archaeologists contributed to, and were influenced by, the program of ??Ostforschung?? (Eastern Research). A close reading of the work of two prominent German archaeologists during the interwar and National Socialist periods suggests that their conception of the early medieval eastern Alps was not only influenced by national chauvinism, but also reveals striking parallels with Western imperial ideologies typical of overseas colonial contexts.