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鸦片战争后,中国被迫融入了世界,在这个过程中,中国外交制度逐步与国际接轨,实现了外交制度的近代化。本文从外交机构,外交使节制度与领事制度、外交官人事制度三个方面来对中国近代外交制度的研究作了一个疏理。 相似文献
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鸦片战争后,中国被迫融入了世界,在这个过程中,中国外交制度逐步与国际接轨,实现了外交制度的近代化。本文从外交机构,外交使节制度与领事制度、外交官人事制度三个方面来对中国近代外交制度的研究作了一个疏理。 相似文献
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<正>或许在今天看来,民国时期的外交官职位,绝对是一个人人艳羡、人人垂涎并为之争逐的肥缺职位,而驻外使领馆的官员们也自然都个个潇洒、个个神气,手头阔绰,居处奢华了,然而,事实果真如此吗?最近,笔者翻阅民国著名外交 相似文献
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晚清国人对外交人才观的演变经历了一个逐步深化过程.从最初国人对选拔外交人才的讨论到外交官职业化思想的明晰,他们的观念可谓发生了巨大的转变,已经初步树立起了近代化的外交人才观.中国传统外交人才观与近代西方外交人才观具有完全不同的内涵,属于两个不同的文明体系.近代西方的强势地位,决定了国人外交人才观的演进必然是接受西方理念的过程,其间不断交织着中西观念的冲突与碰撞. 相似文献
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近代以来,随着中国与世界联系的日益增多,从事对外交往事务的官员也随之大增,开始一般由政府官员兼任,进人民国时期逐步实现了专业化和职业化,形成了一个以外交为终生职志的外交官群体,他们中的杰出代表和领导也常常被称为外交家。外交家,顾名思义是指代表一个国家对外进行交涉,为本国的国家利益而活动的政治家。他们的政治地位和国际声誉主要取决于他们的时代机遇和本国的国际地位和综合国力,也与他们本人的知识结构、学识修养及外交能力相联系。 相似文献
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外交、外债和派系——从“梁颜政争”看20世纪20年代初期北京政府的外交运作 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
北京政府时期是中国近代外交制度成型的重要时期,一批主要由留学生构成的职业外交官活跃于北京外交界,并以“独立”和“超然”自居。但在派系纷争、军阀混战的20世纪20年代,他们能在多大程度上左右中国的外交政策与实践,又能在多大程度上保持自己的独立性呢?在以华盛顿会议期间围绕山东问题而引发的“倒梁(士诒)风潮”和“梁颜(惠庆)政争”中,颜惠庆不仅主动出击,把梁士诒拖入外交漩涡,还巧妙地利用军阀“电报战”,令梁内阁垮台。可以说,在这场政争中,颜惠庆成功地利用派系斗争,既争得了外交部对胶济铁路交涉案的控制权,也进一步提升了自己在外交界和政坛的地位。可以看出,在派系政治的化环境中,中国的外交官们虽然表面上标榜独立与中立,但常常不得不依靠非正常的社会关系和非正式的制度安排来推进外交实践,甚至主动参与派系斗争。而当他们越来越深地卷入权力斗争的漩涡中,对于权力的迷恋也日渐加深的时候,“独立”和“制度”都是可以搁置和牺牲的。 相似文献
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夏斯云 《华侨华人历史研究》2009,(2):36-44
针对学术界对华侨联合会研究文章不多的现状,分析了华侨联合会产生的历史背景和特点,阐述了其在民国初年团结华侨积极参加民国的政治、经济、外交、教育等活动。争取华侨权益,以及对民初历史产生的积极影响和历史功绩。回顾这段历史,对于团结海外华侨,发扬其爱国主义精神,引导他们积极参加祖国的现代化建设和统一事业,共同实现中华民族的伟大复兴有着积极的意义。 相似文献
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近30年来,中华民国史(1912-1949)的学术研究在大陆地区从无到有,有了巨大的发展,已经成为一个成果丰硕、相对完整的学科。大陆民国史研究的主导史观大致经过了从革命史观到民族主义史观、现代化史观的历程。进入21世纪后,民国史研究更呈现多元化的趋势,表现为新研究领域的开拓与新史料的运用。民国史研究若要进一步发展,需要对研究对象与范围进行重新界定,构建新的解释体系与加强国际学术界的合作与交流。 相似文献
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高天舒 《日本侵华南京大屠杀研究》2021,(1)
日军侵占南京期间,美国基督复临安息日会在南京高门楼20号、句容桥头镇等地部分财产遭到日伪的破坏与侵占,为此,美国传教士奈特、李博克、哈特维尔等人先后与美国驻南京外交官和驻上海总领事等反映损失情况。为处理此事,美国外交机构之间也文牍往还,相关函件部分还原了事实真相。这些文件再次证明,侵华日军不仅给中国人民造成了巨大伤害,而且损害了第三国在华利益。尤其是在南京及周边地区,美国侨民的财产损失严重,这受到美国驻华外交机构的关注,并与日方进行交涉。相关函件藏于美国国家档案馆,RG 84,Records of Foreign Service Posts,Consular Posts,Shanghai,China,Volume 2754,函件标题为译者拟定。 相似文献
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AbstractThis study presents the methodology and results of a core-periphery GIS model of the historical growth and spread of Islam in China based on a dataset of 1,774 mosques. These sites were organized into data subsets according to their founding dates during five major dynastic periods in Chinese history: Tang/Song, Yuan, Ming, Qing, and Republican. Core areas were identified and mapped based on where mosques clustered during each period. North China was the paramount core region in all periods. Not until the late Qing and Republican periods did the Northwest and Yunnan compare with North China, while coastal China never developed into a core area. 相似文献
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Robert Bickers 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(2):295-311
The origins of the Foreign Inspectorate of the Chinese Maritime Customs are well known; the succession crises after Inspector Generals Hart and Aglen well covered in the literature; and the Maze Inspectorate has received a good deal of attention. However, one significant feature of the newly opened Inspectorate Archives is the weight of post-1937 material it contains, and the light it can throw upon the administration of Lester Knox Little, inspector general in 1943–50, on the Japanese-controlled Customs in occupied China, and on the erosion of foreign and especially of British dominance in the service. This paper outlines the rocky transition from Sir Frederick Maze to Little (and in Japanese-occupied China to Inspector General Kishimoto Hirokichi), and explores the impact of this transition and of the Sino-Japanese war on the position of the Customs and on its activities between 1941 and 1945. The Customs found a role for itself in unoccupied China, and remained a useful tool for the Guomindang state, although British diplomats surrendered their long-held claim that a British national should run the service. What preserved a foreign role in the Customs after Pearl Harbor was not the support of foreign diplomats, but the relations of senior staff with high-ranking Chinese government officials. 相似文献
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有关民国时期考试权和考试制度的著述颇为丰富,也不乏就考试权与宪政的关系展开论述的著作。但尚未发现专门分析考试权的宪政保障功能的论文问世。该文以既得利益集团为切入点,就民国时期考试权对宪政的必要性、在现实实践中的运行障碍进行了初步探析。这对今天我国考试制度的构建和完善具有重要意义。对当今宪政建设也不无借鉴意义。 相似文献
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陈国威 《华侨华人历史研究》2010,(4):64-73
文章依据相关档案及文献资料,从制度史研究的角度,对国民政府侨务委员会的沿革、机构设置、职能以及人事和经费等方面进行了考察。结果显示,相对于晚清与北洋政府而言,南京国民政府的侨务机构设置比较健全,在侨务工作的开展、协助政府积极利用海外侨力、保侨护侨等方面发挥了一定的积极作用,也为抗战期间海外华侨为祖国做出巨大贡献奠定了行政基础。但与此同时,机构的不断调整、人员配置的不到位,特别是经费上的捉襟见肘,成为困扰侨委会工作的主要问题。 相似文献
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《Frontiers of History in China》2017,(1):1-31
This paper focuses on the investigators of rural society in the Republican period,specifically research made through fieldwork on the Gowned Brothers (or,Paoge) in 1940s Sichuan.It takes up one such investigator,Shen Baoyuan—a student at Yenching University;her youthful work never became published or recognized.The present study reveals how the pioneers of Chinese sociology and anthropology,who called themselves "rural activists," tried to understand rural China.It argues that the developments in those fields in China of the 1920s and 1940s made it possible for us today to have a better understanding of the contemporary rural problems.The investigators played an important role in the Rural Construction and Rural Education Movements in Republican China.They show us how Western sociology and anthropology were localized in order to answer "Chinese questions" and to solve "Chinese problems." As source material,these investigations have given us rich records,which in turn have become precious sources and historical memories of rural China's past. 相似文献
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在1894—1895年的中日甲午战争中,美国表面声称中立,实际却偏袒日本。战前一再拒绝中、朝两国的调停请求和英国的联合调停建议,默认或怂恿日本发动战争。战争期间,美国外交官作为中日两国侨民的战时保护人,一再逸出国际法合理范围,曲意保护在华日本间谍。作为中日两国的唯一调停者,美国一方面拒绝与欧洲国家联合调停,为日本继续发动战争减轻国际压力,另一方面又单方面劝说清朝政府接受日本的各项侵略要求,帮助日本实现发动战争的目的。美国偏袒日本的原因,主要是希望借日本之手废除中朝宗藩关系,进一步打开中国大门,同时利用日本削弱英国、俄国等在东亚的影响力。 相似文献
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Tiina H. Airaksinen 《Nations & Nationalism》2023,29(1):364-379
This article focuses on Finnish national identities because they expressed the shared experiences of newly established Finnish communities, and they were crucial in constructing a new nation. It also explores created images of the Finnish and Finland, as well as community construction in Republican China, especially after Finland gained independence in 1917. Another aim is to examine those Finnish political, cultural and economic activities that supported their identity construction in China. The specific emphasis will be on analysing the largest and sometimes cross-functioning Finnish groups in China: the governmental officials and the commercial community. By using qualitative methods, namely, discourse analysis and historical analysis, this study shows how the Finnish community created alternative, sometimes imaginative and frequently anti-imperialist national identities in the new Republican China. Indeed, by signing the Treaty Principles of Reciprocity and Equal Treatment, it was agreed that Finland and China ‘shall enjoy same rights, privileges, favours, immunities and exemptions which [might] be accorded to similar foreign agents in accordance with the principles of international law’. This article argues that Finnish aspirations were positively regarded by many Chinese, and they respected this quite unique national connection with Finland. 相似文献