The Logic of Spatial Politics: The 1998 Queensland Election

This paper combines one of the few facts we know about the 1998 Queensland state election, ie the break-up of seats before and after the poll, with some straightforward assumptions about political behaviour to develop a spatial model of the election. In doing so, we reach interesting conclusions about the nature of the political contest in Queensland and highlight the existence of somewhat surprising similarities and differences between the policies of the main parties. Just as in mathematics when we can imagine a line and then imagine it projected out further, even to infinity, through the exercise of rational thought, so in politics we can consider actions and calculate consequences. Remark ascribed to John Wallis, Professor of Geometry at Oxford University in the seventeenth century. (Pears 1997, 435)     

The Electoral Politics of Economic Reform in Australia: The 1998 Election

Like many other advanced industrial democracies, Australia has experienced major and ongoing economic reform over the last two decades, the pace of which has, if anything, increased since the election of the Liberal‐National government in 1996. These developments have led to a growing sense of economic insecurity among many voters. Many of these concerns were focused on the 1998 election, when the Liberal‐National Coalition advocated the introduction of a goods and services tax. This paper uses the 1998 Australian Election Study (AES) survey to examine the impact of economic evaluations, economic insecurity and economic issues on voting in the election. The results demonstrate the existence of widespread economic concerns across the electorate, but that the Coalition gained a marginal electoral advantage on the tax reform issue. Economic issues were also a cause of defection to the new One Nation Party, although further analysis reveals that its support was motivated more by race and ethnic concerns than by economic discontent.     

The Poverty Trap: Or,Why Poverty is Not About the Individual

Poverty is often thought of as an inevitable social condition, and the blame for any shortcomings in governmental welfare policies is frequently placed upon the failings of individuals, markets, and demography. By exploring the influence of neoliberal politics on archaeologies of slum-life this article makes the case that less emphasis should be placed upon the perceived failings of individuals and more effort should be placed on recovering the complex social networks which sustained community-life within Hungate and other so-called urban slums.     

The Representative of the State: Why the English Parliament Was Distinctive in the Early 17th Century

This article identifies the forms of state development in 16th- and 17th-century England, and shows that they were embraced by parliament rather than the crown, reflecting the change whereby MPs ceased to be mere local representatives and came to be seen as the central representative of the kingdom, traditionally the function of the monarch. Thus parliament assumed a defining role in the new national dimension of foreign policy, working in concert with the Elizabethan government, but generally in opposition to the early Stuarts, who perpetuated a dynastic approach. The most challenging domestic manifestation of parliament as central representative was the long-term campaign for freedom of trade, pursued by a broad coalition of the merchant community and the gentry in parliament, asserting a principled right of English subjects to be free of arbitrary exactions and restraints, such as the royal prerogative of impositions. The emergent state was structured by a distinctive internal dynamic, based on the sole sovereignty of representative law, established by the expulsion of the universal church. Omni-competent statute had a unique dual force, responding directly to constituency requirements, and meeting them with definitive national provisions. This was adopted by parliament as the new instrument of good government, but distrusted and sidelined by the Stuart crown. Consequently, in 1641, John Pym bemoaned the absence of parliaments as bereaving the country of the legislative function, which he now saw as ‘that which makes and constitutes a kingdom’. The appropriation of state perspectives reinforced parliamentarian strength and ambitions.     

Why the History of Parliament Has Not Been Written*

There have been legions of individual studies of the history of the English/British/United Kingdom parliament, which is not surprising, since its history is widely acknowledged to be so closely bound up with the history of the nation state itself. But there have been remarkably few attempts to put the story together, to try to consider the long‐term development of parliament as an institution. What would such a story look like? This essay discusses some of the critiques of the whiggish narrative of constitutional and parliamentary development to recognise a common theme in whiggism's tendency to anthropomorphise parliament, to describe it as a single organism with agency and purpose. To forgo that temptation, however, makes it difficult to provide a satisfying narrative of parliament over time. The essay tries to imagine how one might construct a history of parliament as an institution which no longer sees it as an actor in its own story, but, instead, a complex collection of ideas, processes, customs, and conventions, which competing forces struggle to organise in order to achieve their goals, and which is also an arena and forum for that competition.     

颐和园养云轩未罹火患

咸丰十年(1860年)十月,英法联军兵临京都,“三山五园”同罹火难,清漪园内一片瓦砾。光绪十四年(1888年)二月,光绪帝正式下谕在清漪园废墟上营建颐和园。但颐和园内究竟是否还留存有清漪园时期的古建筑,这一问题变得愈来愈模糊难识,笔者通过考察和分析认为,颐和园内养云轩当属清漪园幸存的古建筑之一。     

张治中重用于蒋介石原因析

张治中是国民党统治集团的上层人物,毕生主张亲苏联共,而蒋介石极端反苏反共.从政治观点上看,两人应该是冰炭不容,但蒋介石为什么还要重用他、容忍他呢?事情既复杂,也简单.因为张治中是蒋介石和的一手的重要工具,始终有用.与此同时,张对蒋忠心耿耿,从不搞小派系,不留恋兵权,毫无个人野心.     

也谈“中华人民共和国”作为国名的原因——兼与潘焕昭老师商榷

《党的文献》2007年第3期发表了潘焕昭的文章《"中华人民共和国"国名考》(以下简称潘文),第5期又发表了宋月红的文章《"中华人民共和国"国名补考》(以下简称宋文),对"中华人民共和国"提出的时间、命名的由来和作为国名的原因等问题进行了探讨,宋文既是对潘文观点的补充,同时在一些观点上也进行了商榷。笔者认为,潘文提出选择"中华     

Voter Behaviour in Rural Areas: A Study of the Farrer Electoral Division in Southern New South Wales at the 1998 Federal Election

The National (Country) Party, traditional beneficiary of a countrymindedness ethos in rural and regional Australia, suffered a significant electoral setback at the 1998 federal election from a new conservative force in Australian politics, the One Nation Party. One Nation has been characterised as the party of the ‘old’ Australia, those least able to cope with the pace of recent social and economic changes, rationalisation and centralisation of services and the exodus of people from rural and regional areas. Such a characterisation is supported by findings from this study of the geography of voting and the social correlates of One Nation's support base in the Farrer electoral division in south‐western New South Wales.     

Election Campaigns and Television News Coverage: The Case of the 2001 Australian Election

This paper examines the patterns of television news coverage of the political parties, their leaders and the issues they raised during the 2001 Australian federal election campaign. By focusing on some issues, parties and leaders, television has long been argued to constrain voters' evaluations. We find that television news coverage in the 2001 Australian election campaign focused primarily on international issues, especially terrorism and asylum seekers, and on the two major parties—virtually to the exclusion of coverage of the minor parties and their leaders. Within the major party ‘two-horse race’, television gave substantially more coverage to the leaders than to the parties themselves, thereby sustaining what some have called a ‘presidential’-style political contest. John Howard emerged as the winner in the leaders' stakes, garnering more coverage than Labor's Kim Beazley.     

Why conventional wisdom on radicalization fails: the persistence of a failed discourse

Politicians, the media, and some academics are getting it wrong about radicalization. Relying on simple narratives to explain how an individual departs from point a (‘a good Muslim boy’) to point b (‘a suicide bomber’), too many recent contributions to academia rely on assumptions and ‘conventional wisdom’ rather than testable and falsifiable empirical research and methods. Through specific cases, this article seeks to demonstrate how the over‐simplification of ‘conventional wisdom’ privileges convenient political narratives over the complex realities of such situations. In light of this failure to account for reality, this article seeks to challenge current thinking on radicalization by exposing its limitations, as currently being used, as a meaningful basis and departure point for rigorous social science research. The article concludes by showing how the current persistence of this ‘conventional wisdom’ approach to radicalization ultimately betrays the normative political assumptions of those who insist on using this term, and how this adherence to ‘conventional wisdom’ now deprives radicalization from being a relevant and useful academic or policy discourse. This is because radicalization as an area for study has been corrupted by its instrumental political application.     

Not a Soldier,Not a Slacker: Conscientious Objectors and Male Citizenship in the United States during the Second World War

This essay argues that the 1940 Selective Service Act introduced new tensions between pacifism and male citizenship in the United States. Even as the draft required tens of millions of American men to answer Uncle Sam's call and promoted a new norm of male military obligation, it also specified the acceptable grounds for conscientious objection and created bureaucratic mechanisms for distinguishing between sincere objectors and ‘slackers’. Using Selective Service and organisational records, letters, diaries, interviews and the media, I suggest that male citizenship has been defined not only by idealised and gendered duties, but also by the difficulties and exceptions involved in their practical realisation.     

Why the Donkey Did Not Go South: Disease as a Constraint on the Spread of <Emphasis Type="Italic">Equus asinus</Emphasis> into Southern Africa

Donkeys are the only ungulate definitely known to have been domesticated in Africa and were widely employed in the north of the continent and through the Sahara and the Sahel as pack animals, as well as spreading through much of the Old World. Used in Egypt by 4000 bc, they are attested in Nubia in the third millennium bc, in eastern Sudan in the second millennium bc and, in a Pastoral Neolithic context, at Narosura, Kenya, in the first millennium bc. However, they went completely unremarked by early European observers in southern Africa and appear never to have reached that region, unlike cattle and sheep, both of which reached it before the beginning of the Christian era in a process that linguistic and genetic data now firmly link to the migration of herders from East Africa. Taking its lead from previous studies of the impact of epizootic disease on the expansion through Sub-Saharan Africa of cattle and dogs, this paper asks if disease also constrained the southward movement of donkeys and, if so, what the consequences of this may have been.