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This paper argues that since the completion of the NAFTA in the early 1990s, there has been too much focus on what governments in Ottawa, Washington, and Mexico City have or have not been doing to deepen North American integration. The NAFTA was an anomaly that obscures the larger history of incrementalism that has shaped North America's political economy. A focus on large, government-led integration projects like the NAFTA as a model for North American integration distracts from an examination of the many connections and processes taking place across borders every day. Security has become fully entrenched as a driving paradigm of North American relations. However, much of the activity in this domain and others is taking place at the bureaucratic, sub-state, and non-state levels rather than via active direction from national leadership. As scholars and analysts of North America, we would do well to move away from the NAFTA as a model for negotiating North America's future.  相似文献   

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The seminal work of Derthick and Quirk (1985 ) argues that public policy changes when the intellectual debate of ideas establishes that policy options are legitimate and current policies are ineffective. 1 Overlooked in their otherwise exceptional analysis is the role that country music plays in the politics of ideas. 2 The thesis of this article is that country music is a crucial part of the politics of ideas, and, in fact, many policy debates are resolved in country music well before the intellectual community of policy analysts reaches a consensus. This article will recap some of the key policy debates in which country music set the agenda, 3 established the key policy alternatives, or resolved the policy debate and permitted the adoption of public policy ( Anderson, 1994 ). 4  相似文献   

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郝润华 《文献》2000,(4):182-188
日本市河世宁(1749-1820),江户时代后期著名汉学家,曾于日本文化元年(1804),搜集《全唐诗》未收作品编成《全唐诗逸》三卷,据《千载佳句》、《文镜秘府论》、《游仙窟》等中日古代文献所录唐诗,补进72首作品及279个句子,作者128人(其中82人不见于《全唐诗》).  相似文献   

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Farhang Rouhani 《对极》2012,44(5):1726-1741
Abstract: In recent years, human geographers have criticized the increasing corporatization, commodification, and objectification of knowledge production, and have looked to critical pedagogical frameworks that seek to counteract these forces. Anarchism, as a body of theories and practices, has a long history of engagement with radical pedagogical experimentation. Anarchism and geography have much to contribute to one another: anarchism, through its support for creative, non‐coercive, practical learning spaces, and geography, for its critical examination of the spaces of education. In this paper, I evaluate the prospects for anarchist‐geographic pedagogies theoretically, as well as through my own experiences teaching and learning about anarchism over the past decade in a liberal arts, higher education US environment. I argue for a combined critical anarchist‐geographic pedagogical approach that appreciates the challenges of building alternative learning models within existing neoliberalizing institutions, provides the necessary tools for finding uniquely situated opportunities for educational change, and emplaces a grounded, liberating, student‐led critical pedagogy.  相似文献   

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The provision for Malay special privileges in the federal constitution raised considerable debate among the framers and the political community in Malaya (now Malaysia) during the drafting of the constitution in 1956–57. Article 153, which provides certain preferences to Malays in the award of business licences, scholarships and employment in the public service, was an unusual provision as it conflicted with the principle of equality enshrined in the constitution. Yet, there was general acknowledgment among the political organisations that the Malays badly needed assistance to address their economic backwardness. The dilemma the framers faced was in reconciling how these safeguards could be framed without negating the principle of equality in Article 8 and the constitutional rights of the non-Malays. Article 153 has been a source of much debate over the last 50?years. Earlier studies have not been able to examine the classified primary constitutional documents to ascertain fully the intentions of the framers. This article, drawing mainly from declassified primary constitutional documents and Alliance Party papers, analyses the evolution of the article through the various drafting stages. It shows that Article 153 was intended by the framers, particularly the Alliance Party, as a temporary and transitional provision with an unwritten understanding that there would be a review of the special privileges after independence and their discontinuance after a certain number of years.  相似文献   

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Jason Dittmer 《对极》2007,39(2):247-268
Abstract: This paper seeks to theorize the structuring of geopolitical worldviews and attitudes by the comic book medium and by serial popular culture more broadly. Evidence of the use of comic books to promote specific discourses by geopolitical actors is presented, and the conventions that govern the limits of comic book narration are outlined. Among the conventions of production discussed are the role of “continuity” as a structuring force and the serial nature of most comic books. The impact of these conventions is viewed through an examination of Watchmen and Captain America comic books. Both series revolve around issues of political legitimacy and the structuring of geopolitical space, but do so in different ways. This leads to insight connecting seriality with the concept of the nation itself. Finally, a theorization of the limits to comic book and other serialized discourse is outlined, and its ultimately conservative political outcome is described as endemic to the genre.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Contemporary International Relations scholars and practitioners generally recognize that substate governments affect the state’s international affairs; however, there is less acceptance of Indigenous governments as global actors that meaningfully impact the state. After all, the expectation would be that central governments, with considerably more resources and power, would be unlikely to face a challenge from an Indigenous government. However, Indigenous governments are negotiating new relationships with foreign and domestic governments, forming economic development corporations, hiring private firms to raise capital, funding trade missions, and even opening offices in key international locales such as Beijing to engage in trade promotion and push investment opportunities in projects such as resource extraction. Applying paradiplomacy theory, which argues that International Relations cannot be properly explained absent the global affairs of substate governments, this article analyzes the effect of Indigenous peoples and governance in the Canada–US trade relationship. It specifically considers how Indigenous engagement in the global economy affects the bilateral trade regime, foreign direct investment, and cross-border trade. The driver for these analysis centers on demands for the inclusion of a so-called “Indigenous chapter” in the North American Free Trade Agreement renegotiations in 2017 and 2018.  相似文献   

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Gill Valentine 《对极》1997,29(1):65-89
Children's safety is an issue high on the public agenda in both the UK and North America. In particular, the "stranger-danger" discourse plays an important part in constructing children as "vulnerable" and "at risk" in public space. This paper begins by exploring how adults define whether their children are competent to negotiate public space unsupervised and how they control and manage their children's use of space. It then goes on to consider children's own understandings of their ability to negotiate public space safely, exploring how they subvert restrictions placed on them by parents and how they define their parents' levels of competence to make decisions about their spatial ranges. In doing so the paper demonstrates the instability and contested meanings of the binary concepts —"adult" and "child."  相似文献   

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