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1.
In 1943, the Supreme Court handed down West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette. 1 With Justice Robert H. Jackson writing for the six‐Justice majority, the Court upheld the First Amendment right of Jehovah's Witnesses schoolchildren to refuse to salute the flag or recite the Pledge of Allegiance, state‐imposed obligations that the children and their parents contended were acts of idolatry that violated biblical commands. Judge Richard A. Posner has said that Justice Jackson's effort “may be the most eloquent majority opinion in the history of the Supreme Court.” 2  相似文献   

2.
From their humble origins as small, loose‐knit groups of Bible students in Pennsylvania in the 1870s, Charles Taze Russell and his followers laid the foundations of a highly visible, and frequently controversial, worldwide religious organisation known since 1931 as the Jehovah's Witnesses. Despite the Witnesses' broad historical role in defining and shaping understandings of religious tolerance, freedom of conscience, and civil liberties around the world, historians have paid very little attention to the Witnesses, with the notable exception of their treatment in Nazi Germany and the United States and Canada in wartime. The paucity of historical knowledge is all the more surprising given their visibility and notoriety. This article aims to initiate discussion of this under‐researched history by addressing what has been written, by whom, and for what purpose. It represents the first effort to evaluate the English‐language historical literature on the Jehovah's Witnesses and the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society.  相似文献   

3.
<周礼>虽是一部讲官制的书,但其中有许多关于交通礼仪的记载,总结为以下几点:祀行与祖道;轼礼;男女有别;吉丧之别;交通的等级.  相似文献   

4.
This article draws on Pareto's theory of elites to explore the relationship between American capitalism and American nationalism, and to connect the invasion of Iraq to classical theories of imperialism. Globalisation has changed the structure of the American economy and promoted interests that have an increased stake in free trade. Neither these interests nor the oil companies advocated intervention in Iraq. Globalisation also accelerated the decline of older industries that were inclined to be protectionist, but these were not prominent advocates of the invasion either. Winners and losers, however, were both deeply affected by the wider consequences of rapid economic change, which generated uncertainty about the direction society was taking and concern about its moral foundations. These anxieties prepared the way for a conservative revival based on family, faith and flag that enabled the neo-conservatives to transform conservative patriotism into assertive nationalism after 9/11. In the short term, the invasion of Iraq was a manifestation of national unity. Placed in a longer perspective, it reveals a growing divergence between new globalised interests, which rely on cross-border negotiation, and insular nationalist interests, which seek to rebuild fortress America.  相似文献   

5.
The casket was plain unvarnished pine, and over it was draped the American flag. As my fellow Rehnquist clerks and I carried that casket up the marble steps of the Supreme Court building, to the Great Hall, it occurred to a number of us that this was very fitting. For Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist was direct, straightforward, utterly without pretense—and a patriot who loved and served his country.  相似文献   

6.
Zoe Knox's analysis of the English‐language historiography of the Jehovah's Witnesses and the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society was published in this journal in 2011. It assessed four types of historical writing on the organisation: the Watch Tower Society's own publications; material produced by two categories of detractors, namely ex‐Witnesses and Christians writing from other denominational perspectives; and academic studies. There are vast quantities of all but the last of these. Her article thus concluded with a call for scholars to take this religious community more seriously as an historical subject, echoing an appeal made by Rodney Stark and Laurence Iannaccone to social scientists in 1997. This review essay is intended to supplement Knox's historiographical analysis by appraising recent publications on the history of the Jehovah's Witnesses. As we shall see, although scholarship on this topic remains sparse, particularly given the organisation's visibility, since 2011 several important books have appeared alongside others which make contributions to the limited sum of our knowledge of the origins and emergence of the organisation and the way it has operated in different historical contexts. In short, the field requires reappraisal in light of these publications.  相似文献   

7.
在20世纪20年代的中国,国共两党曾共同高举反帝旗帜,但由于源自不同的政治理念与思想资源,双方对反帝口号内涵的理解并不一致,在合作过程中对于反帝问题也时有摩擦。在一个相同的政治口号之下,国共两党实际上执行着不同的反帝策略。  相似文献   

8.
Book reviewed: Elizabeth Harvey, Women and the Nazi East: Agents and Witnesses of Germanization  相似文献   

9.
周乾 《安徽史学》2003,(6):60-65
在第二次世界大战后期,美国、英国和中国围绕香港的战后地位问题展开激烈斗争。美国政府支持战后由中国收回香港主权。罗斯福总统为此作出许多外交努力。英国拒绝战后将香港主权交还中国。这样,蒋介石将希望完全寄予美国的支持上。但是在战争结束前夕,美国与苏联开始进行冷战,美国需要英国的支持,因此放弃了原来的政策。其结果是英国在战争结束时重新占领香港。  相似文献   

10.
Secondary refuse disposal behavior is structured by three major concerns in the Maya Highlands: economy of effort, potential value of refuse, and potential hindrance by refuse. According to the needs of each household and the nature of the refuse, material slated for discard may be sorted and dumped in separate locations, within or outside compounds. Archaeologists should be aware of this refuse structure in seeking specific types of refuse as well as in comparing refuse from households, or other types of excavational units. At the household level, recognition of the toft area (the area immediately surrounding the household and related outbuildings) is especially important in acquiring representative samples of “hard” types of refuse. Analysis of neighborhood dumps is strongly advocated as one of the more economical, meaningful, and representative ways of dealing with refuse accumulations. Because of several randomizing and dispersive processes operating at the household level, as well as sample size considerations, simple diversity measures are recommended for comparing household assemblages.  相似文献   

11.
叶凡美 《史学月刊》2007,(11):114-119
2007年5月24~27日在天津召开的"全球视野下的美国早期史研究国际学术研讨会"为中外学者提供了一个独特的增进相互交流和了解的机会,将有助于推动中国学者对美国早期史的研究。提交会议的国外学者的论文在研究课题、视角、观点、材料和方法上多有新颖之处,从中可以看出国外美国早期史研究的一些发展趋势。相较而言,中国美国早期史研究尚存在极大局限和不足,提交会议的中国学者的论文大多选题偏大,观点缺乏新意,同时缺少详尽新颖的一手史料。可见,中国的美国早期史研究亟需得到提高。  相似文献   

12.
Sandra Day O'Connor's appointment to the Supreme Court was a historic stride in American women's slow but determined march towards full equality. At our nation's birth, Abigail Adams urged her husband and other members of the Continental Congress to "Remember the Ladies" in their new government. 1 "We know better than to repeal our Masculine systems," John Adams replied only half jokingly. 2 More than two centuries would pass before a woman donned Supreme Court robes to help interpret the United States Constitution.  相似文献   

13.
Book Reviews     
Book review in this Article On Teachinn Histon, in Collepes nnd Universities. Bv Earl R. Beck. Modernization. Edited, with an introduction, by Myron Weiner. Men, Machines, and Modem Times. By Elting E. Morison. A History of Space Flight. By Eugene M. Emme. Archaeology, Historical Attalogy, und Early Biblical Tradition. By William F. Albright. Europe in the Nineteenth Century, 1830–1880. By H. Harder. A New History of Portugal. By H. V. Livermore. Revolutionary Hamburg: Labor Politics in the Early Weimar Republic. By Richard A. Comfort. The Police State of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, 1851–1860. By Howard C. Payne. French Communism in the Making, 1914–1924. By Robert Wohl. Pilsudski's Coup D'Etat. By Joseph Rothschild. The American Natal Rmlution. By Walter R. Herrick, Jr. Trumaii and Taff-Hartly: A Question of Mandate. By R. Alton Lee. The Last Inca Rcvolt, 1780–1783. By Lillian Estelle Fisher. Origins of Mendelism. By Robert C. Olby. With an introduction by C. D. Darlington.  相似文献   

14.
在美国革命时期,"共和"这一古老政治词汇的含义发生了重大变化。美国建国者参照各种政治理论和历史经验,结合他们所处社会的特点,不仅成功建立了一种新型政体,而且为它做了全面的辩护和诠释,从而完成了对"共和政体"的重新界定。这种新型的共和政体,不再是"人民"与贵族分享权力的混合政体,而是完全建立在"人民主权"基础上的代表制政体,它的社会基础、价值取向和适应范围都发生了深刻变化,与古典共和理念之间形成了明显的差异。与此同时,"民主"的概念也得以扩充,"人民"通过代表制行使政治权力的政府,与"人民"亲自掌握权力的政府一样,都可以叫做"民主"。这两个交错并行的观念转化过程,不仅塑造了现代意义上的"共和"与"民主"的概念,而且使得两个原本含义不同的政体名称,最终变成了同义词。  相似文献   

15.
华中抗日根据地十分注重对退伍、伤残军人和抗属的优抚工作:制定优抚法律、政策,设立社会保障机构,开展优抚政策的宣传教育,组织拜年和节日慰问活动,帮助抗属解决生产生活问题,减轻各种税费,抚恤烈士,安置伤残、退伍军人。优抚经费既包括政府拨款,也包括民间筹集。华中抗日根据地优抚工作的特点是:物质与精神保障相结合;适度保障,维持基本生活;对国民党军队一视同仁;把保障与鼓励自力更生相结合。优抚工作对于动员民众参军参战,密切党政军民关系,配合统一战线的开展等方面都具有重要的意义。  相似文献   

16.
Abstract. This article analyses a public discussion held in Palestine during the last months of 1929 over proposals for a particular Palestinian flag. Based on readers' reactions published in the daily newspaper Filastin and on letters sent to the Arab Executive, the article examines the character of Palestinian identity as it was imagined by a certain segment of the Palestinian elite. The three main leitmotifs of the flag proposals – the four colors of the Arab flag, the color orange and the ‘Cross in the Crescent’ emblem – serve as a starting point for discussing the tensions between Palestinian particularism and pan‐Arabism, as well as the status of Muslim‐Christian partnership in a period of increasing Islamisation of Palestinian identity. The second part of the article incorporates a comparative discussion that aims to explain the failure of the color orange and the ‘Cross in the Crescent’ to be accepted as emblems in the national flag. By comparing the unsuccessful proposals with the Arab flag (that eventually became the official Palestinian flag) and with the Lebanese flag, the article suggests their failure was due to three main reasons: (a) they reflected the interests of relatively marginal social groups; (b) they were not raised at a time of sweeping change in the socio‐political order; and (c) they lacked a profound basis in local tradition and the potential to be attached to an ancient past.  相似文献   

17.
Lee Benson was one of the first American political historians to suggest a “systematic” revision of traditional political history with its emphasis on narrow economic class analysis, narrative arguments, and over‐reliance on qualitative research methodologies. This essay presents Benson's contributions to the “new political history”—an attempt to apply social‐science methods, concepts, and theories to American political history—as a social, cultural, and political narrative of Cold War‐era American history. Benson belonged to a generation of ex‐Communist American historians and political scientists whose scholarship and intellectual projects flowed—in part—out of Marxist social and political debates, agendas, and paradigmatic frameworks, even as they rejected and revised them. The main focus of the essay is the genesis of Benson's pioneering study of nineteenth‐century New York state political culture, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy, with its emphasis on intra‐class versus inter‐class conflict, sensitivity to ethnocultural determinants of political and social behavior, and reliance on explicit social‐science theory and methodology. In what follows, I argue that The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy has its roots in Benson's Popular Front Marxist beliefs, and his decade‐long engagement and subsequent disenchantment with American left‐wing politics. Benson's growing alienation from Progressive historical paradigms and traditional Marxist analysis, and his attempts to formulate a neo‐Marxism attentive to unique American class and political realities, are linked to his involvement with 1940s radical factional politics and his disturbing encounter with internal Communist party racial and ideological tensions in the late 1940s at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York.  相似文献   

18.
关于中日钓鱼岛争端中"美国因素"的历史考察   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
文章对中日钓鱼岛争端中的“美国因素”进行了系统考察。二战后美国的日本政策与钓鱼岛问题的产生、发展及变化有着密切联系。在冷战的国际背景下,美国政府通过托管琉球与“第27号令”将中国钓鱼岛纳入其托管之下。20世纪70年代初美国又将钓鱼岛的“施政权”作为冲绳的一部分“归还”给日本,为中日钓鱼岛争端打下“楔子”。冷战结束以来,美国政府在钓鱼岛主权归属上由“模糊中立”到当今小布什政府的“小心介入”,反映了美国政府在钓鱼岛问题立场上的变化。  相似文献   

19.
This article explores the significance of the Danish flag in the formation of national identities during World War II and the immediate post-war period. During this dark and tumultuous period of Danish history, the flag was claimed by different groups with very different agendas, which in turn engendered differing conceptions of Denmark and Danishness. Three different themes are investigated in the article. The first regards the flag as a symbol of national continuity and endurance. From this angle, the flag functioned as a living, corporeal piece of history, which signalled that old Denmark would prevail, in spite of the crisis at hand. The second theme investigates the coupling of the flag with democracy during the 1943 elections. This event was hailed by the government as a major national celebration, with nationwide flagging for the democratic values of Denmark. At the same time, the elections were criticized as ‘un-national’, both by home-grown Nazis and the resistance movement. The third section dwells on the notion of martyrdom for the flag. This form of Danishness was not connected to peace-loving democracy, but woven into a martial discourse of sacrifice, honour and masculine heroism. Public worship of martyrdom was particularly intense in the early post-war era, when the flag was used to link ordinary Danes to the fallen heroes of the resistance movement. Thus, it was not the democratic spirit of 1943 that was celebrated after Liberation, but the martyrdom of fallen male resistance fighters, whose blood was evoked as the foundation of the re-born nation. The national memory of post-war Denmark, thereby, was based on the notion of a united people, who had stood firm and even been willing to die for the honour of their ancient flag.  相似文献   

20.
《俘虏记》是日本战后文学中具有广泛影响的反映日本侵略战争的作品之一。小说中,作家以主人公“我”没有向美国士兵开枪为主要情节,说明作为侵略士兵的“我”是“善良的”和“有人性的”。这显然是在为日本士兵的侵略罪行辩解。通读作品,我们会发现,主人公“我”之所以没有开枪,是因为想不被追击的美军发现,保全自己的生命。显然,作家在这里偷换了概念,其用心是为了掩盖日本侵略军的野蛮行径。因此,对这篇小说的错误战争认知理念。我们应当以批判的态度来分析。  相似文献   

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