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1.
如果千古奇人徐霞客到过泰宁,那他将会怎样描写泰宁呢? 据中国徐霞客研究会的邬秋龙先生考证,徐霞客至少五次入闽,其中第一次是1616年春季,目的地是武夷山;第二次是1620年春,过建宁、延平,目的地是九鲤湖;第三次、第四次、第五次均是赴漳州,时间是1628年、1630年、1633年秋。  相似文献   

2.
我看过《徐霞客游记》,也看过《马可·波罗游记》。徐霞客是中国人,马可·波罗是外国人。虽然徐霞客(1586—1641)比马可·波罗(1254—1324)晚出生332年,但有趣的是,他们两人都写了有关中国某些地方的游记。 按说,虽然同是游记,外国人写的和中国人写的,不大好比较。但由于马可·波罗到过的诸如江苏、浙江、福建、江西的某些地方,徐霞客在三百多  相似文献   

3.
徐晓光 《神州》2010,(11):48-51
人类的进化其实就是从摸着石头开始的,石头成就了一个石器时代。东方人对石头历来就有着文化心理上的认同和偏爱。中国自古以来就有藏石、玩石的传统。《水浒传》第十二回里,讲的就是道君要盖万岁山,差遣殿司制使官杨志搬运花石纲,船行至黄河翻了船,杨志不能回京赴任.  相似文献   

4.
祥云水目山     
一翻书就觉得徐霞客真是徐侠客。从贵州入滇后,先从昆明往南到晋宁,再从晋宁往西北到元谋,再从元谋往西南到姚安、祥云,再从祥云往西北到宾川……如果你有云南地图在手就能看出来,他走了个多大的锯齿形的线路。这还没完,他又从宾川一直北上到丽江,又一直南下经鹤庆到大理,300多公里路几乎是走了个对折,往返就有近700公里了,然后西行到腾冲看火山。祥云的水目山,徐霞客在他的游记里有过详细的描述,在滔滔江水的景仰之下,我们决定沿着大侠的脚印去追索。然后把大侠的脚步和我们的叠加起来验证一下。"古城祥云“始知大脊自九鼎南…  相似文献   

5.
<正>《徐霞客游记》中的《游嵩山日记》是天启三年(1623年)作者游历嵩、华等山的真实记录。有学者(杨仲伦:《徐霞客的嵩山情结》,《中州今古》,2001年5月)从首句"余髫年蓄五岳志,而玄岳出五岳上,慕尤切"一句中,品读出作者浓厚的嵩山情结,认为作者为游览嵩山多次拟定出游路线,出于对嵩山急切的渴盼,最终选定  相似文献   

6.
徐霞客于祟祯十一年(1638年)入云南考察旅行,到祟祯十二年冬在鸡山修志,祟祯十四年病故家乡。在云南三年左右的时间里写下了《滇游日记》,几乎占整个《徐霞客游记》的五分之二。从滇游记中不难发现霞客在云南曾留下一些墨迹,如《鸡山志》、《鸡山十景》、《云迈淡墨叙》、与唐泰互赠诗句,手书赠沈莘野、刘北有、俞禹锡等的诗文,遗憾地是没有发现原作。四十年代后见到关于徐霞客《山中逸趣叙》和《山中逸趣跋》的发现和文章介绍。笔者六十年代又收购到徐霞客赠鸡山妙行僧诗稿,以上实物孰真孰假,有必要进行以下考证。  相似文献   

7.
徐霞客是明末的大旅行家,一生游踪遍及大半个中国(约当今天的二十个省区).考其游经路线,其在江苏、上海、浙江、安徽、江西、福建、湖北、湖南、贵州、云南、广西、陕西、河南、山西等省区的相对要清楚些,可从其《游记》、传志资料及遗篇找到线索.其在广东游历路线虽不见明确  相似文献   

8.
从《尚书·禹贡》提出“岷山导江”开始,中国古代学者长期以岷江为长江正源,只是到了明代徐霞客《江源考》后才正式提出金沙江为长江正源说。在中国历史地理学界和中国地理学史界,这本是一个没有争议的结论,即许多学者坚持徐霞客为发现者的观点,如朱惠认为徐霞客“在历史上第一次论证了金沙江才是长江正源。”①诸绍唐、吴应寿认为:自西汉以降,人们知道金沙江,但并不以为长江正源。②王成祖也认为是徐霞客首先提出长江主源应该是金沙江而不是岷江。③一些教材已经将徐霞客的发现作为科学探索的常识普及,在青少年中有较大的影响。但20世纪早…  相似文献   

9.
正从云南顺宁到下关的古驿道开辟于元成宗大德五年(1301),距今已有700多年的历史。1954年,祥临(祥云至临沧)公路开通以后,茶马古道"顺下线"便逐渐冷清下来。特别是20世纪70年代初凤庆到鲁史的公路开通后,"顺下线"从凤庆到鲁史犀牛渡的这一段显得更加冷清,并渐渐淡出人们的视线。新村街,只留下故事公元1639年农历八月十四日,徐霞客在高简槽梅姓人家投宿,次日从澜沧江一个叫扁渡的地方过江,抵达鲁史。1761年青龙桥建好后,茶马古道"顺下线"也挪了个过江的方向,不再从扁渡乘竹筏过江,而改由从新村街方向的青龙桥上过去。作为过江之前重要的站点,新村街自然形成了比较热闹的  相似文献   

10.
卢俊一 《风景名胜》2009,(11):48-49
在历史的时空中,中国伟大的旅行家徐霞客和人文地理学的鼻祖王士性在临海这块神奇的土地上,有过一次智慧的交叉。  相似文献   

11.
Artifacts of spherulitic rhyolite derived from two locations in northern New Hampshire are significant to minor components of numerous Paleoindian, Archaic and Woodland archaeological sites in Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont and easternmost Quebec. The two known sources of are a dike near the city of Berlin, New Hampshire, and blocks-in-till near the village of Jefferson, New Hampshire. The source near Berlin has been a known source for “Indian relics” since the middle of the nineteenth century. The second source near Jefferson New Hampshire was first recognized in 1997. Both sources are situated along prominent east–west routes between the east flowing Androscoggin River on the east and the south flowing Connecticut River on the west. Mount Jasper is located above the Dead River. The Dead River flows east and enters the Androscoggin River approximately 3 km from Mount Jasper. Passage between the Connecticut and Androscoggin Rivers would have taken the travelers directly beneath Mount Jasper. To the west, from the upper reaches of the Dead River, the portage to Head Pond is approximately 0.9 to 1.5 km. From Head Pond access to the Connecticut is by way of the North Branch Upper Ammonoosuc River. The Jefferson source is located on terraces on the northwest side of the modern Israel River. The Israel River flows west and north for approximately 25 km into the Connecticut River. To the east the Israel River rises to a divide which separates it from the east flowing Moose River, which empties into the Androscoggin. Attribution to source is based upon comparison with known outcrops which include the combined characteristics of gross lithology, weathering characteristics, and bulk mineralogy. Comparison of dike samples with artifacts also indicate that the thickness and continuity of the flow bands together with spherule characteristics, which include, size, shape, volume, microscopic structures and weathering character, further suggest a limited source.  相似文献   

12.
关于明遗民周岐清初时的活动轨迹,文献记载颇多矛盾、含混之处。本文通过考察相关史料。认为他实际上经历了一段国变归里,后外出旅食、游幕。最终重又还乡隐居的曲折过程。其同,他与多名清廷大僚过从交往,甚至一度为清军效力,因而绝非部分典籍所描述的典型明遗民。  相似文献   

13.
在芥川龙之介1921年旅行中国期间所拍摄的影集中,有两枚摄于西湖楼外楼菜馆的珍贵照片。现今这两张照片作为楼外楼最早的历史旧影被迎回拍摄原地,日本作家与西湖百年名号的“再发现”,为近代中日文化交流增添了一段佳话。本文将对两枚照片的史料价值进行考证,并结合芥川龙之介的《中国游记》,从一个侧面再现作家当年的西湖之行,同时也对消隐在这段历史背后的人与事进行钩沉。  相似文献   

14.
汉武帝“广关”与西汉前期地域控制的变迁   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
汉武帝元鼎三年,将函谷关东移约三百里。过去多认为这是由于楼船将军杨仆因耻居关外而请求武帝移关。本文从秦朝至西汉初年国家地域控制变迁角度,论述汉武帝时期向东推延函谷关这一事件的政治和军事地理意义,指出实际上汉武帝这次迁移函谷关,是对汉朝地域政策与大关中布防方略的大调整,所做调整,并不仅限于函谷关一处,时人称之为"广关",其本质用意是增益拓广关中的范围。在汉武帝元鼎三年"广关"之后,大关中区域北部的东界,由以临晋关为标志的黄河一线,向东推进至太行山一线;中部区域的东界,由旧函谷关,向东推进至新函谷关;南部区域的东界,由四川盆地东南缘,向东南推进至柱蒲关、进桑关一线的滇桂、黔桂间山地。通过增大关中区域的范围,特别是函谷关的东移和太行山以东地区划入关中,大大增强了朝廷依托关中以控制关东这一基本治国方略的效力。  相似文献   

15.
The article deals with an aspect of the famous German chemist Robert Bunsen which has not been of much notice so far: his journeys. During his stay in Heidelberg (from 1852 on) Bunsen journeyed up to four months a year. Up to the age of seventy-eight, he travelled twice almost every year either in spring or autumn when there were no lectures at the university. He made his journeys for reasons of pleasure and in need of rest from teaching and research. In the 19th century such frequency of travelling was quite unusual even for a bachelor like Bunsen. Beeing an enthusiastic wayfarer Bunsen also travelled far away often, so for example to Italy twelve times (even to Sicily), four times to Scotland and England, and twice to Mallorca. - Bunsen's first nine week journey to Italy in 1843 disappointed him as to its scientific outcome. This journey was a turning-point since he had travelled before for scientific purposes only, beginning with the postdoctoral trip which Bunsen took 1831/32 (sponsored by his sovereign, the king of Hannover) to Berlin, Paris and Vienna for education and information matters. The article sets this journey as well as subsequent travels focusing on science (information, professional communication, experimental team-work) in the framework of continuing academic training. In the end of the 18th and in the 19th century such journeys for further academic education were mainly done at public expense by chemists and geologists as well as by mining and steel scientists to prepare and qualify themselves as either university professors or administrators for mining metallurgical industry. All these various forms of travelling (postdoctoral educational travels at public expense, scientific journeys, meetings for experimental team-work, expeditions, and recreational trips) served the communication within the scientific community. No one who wanted to belong to this community was able to escape such form of communication.  相似文献   

16.
Having graduated from university in 1976,The author set out on his journey to Tibet.He took the train from Qingdao of Shandong Province and,via several other places,to Liuyuan in Gansu Province.Changing train,he crossed over Qinghai,passed through Lhasa and then reached Shigatse.Finally,he reached his last stop-Kyirong County,the boundary of China and Nepal,and then stayed there for six years.  相似文献   

17.
在<瀛环志略>面世的19世纪中叶,徐继畬其人及其著作,成为西方人观察中国的风向标.美国传教士弼莱门和卫三畏先后发表长篇书评,对此书的价值及其刊行的意义作了充分肯定,与郭士立对<海国图志>的批评形成鲜明对照.徐继畬为了写作<瀛环志略>,利用一切机会向西人探询域外文明.同时,这部杰出的著作及其作者,也成为西方人探求中国文化的渠道.西人对徐继畬及其著作的评价,与徐继畬在对外交涉中坚持理性原则、对传教士采取宽容态度相关.  相似文献   

18.
马登瀛,贵州清镇人。清末投身贵州新军,参加辛亥革命贵州新军起义,历任起义军支队长、贵州军政府都督府军务部副官、北伐援鄂黔军营长、副团长等职,后归隐于乡,以教书为生。  相似文献   

19.
黄河流域龙山时代存在四个玉器文化较为发达的区域,即海岱地区、晋南地区、陕北地区以及甘青地区。四个区域玉器文化之间存在着较为明显的互动交流,具体表现为玉料由西向东的逐步扩散以及工艺与器形自东而西的渐进传播。  相似文献   

20.
Between 1853 and 1858, the militia and hired braves of Luhe county, Jiangsu, distinguished themselves by successfully defending against Taiping attack when surrounding counties and cities all fell. The historian Xu Zi (1810–62) served as a militia leader, commanding a company of troops and working to raise funds to pay for provisions. At the same time, he was writing his history of the Southern Ming Courts: Annals of a Fallen State, With Appended Annotations (Xiaotian jinian fukao). In his history, Xu Zi included anecdotes of his wartime experiences, writing the Taiping War into the history of the Southern Ming. What does history do? Xu Zi hoped it could help establish and maintain the coherence of the forces fighting the Taiping. To that end, he presented exemplary figures from the past for people of his own time to emulate, and he narrated those stories to his fellow soldiers. At the same time, his work suggests that the practices of the historian—including investigation of sources, expressions of emotion, and evaluation of policy—could provide avenues for defeating the Taiping. By writing himself into his history of the Southern Ming, he showed how the past could become a tool of war.  相似文献   

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