Constructing women and smoking as a public health problem in Britain 1950-1990s

Historical analysis of the topic of women and smoking has concentrated on the early part of the twentieth century and on the challenge which smoking by 'new women' or 'flappers' offered to dominant notions of womanly behaviour. This paper considers, rather, the dominant constructions of women and smoking in the UK offered through the prism of changing versions of public health in the last fifty years. The construction of women and smoking, it is argued, has been emblematic of those policy agendas within public health and has borne a reciprocal relationship to them. The traditional view of women as mothers has been renegotiated and redefined through the new scientific alliances of late twentieth-century public health. These constructions have helped to set the parameters of discussion within which policy has been made.     

The particularities of place: geographies of gendered moral responsibilities among Latvian migrant workers in 1950s Britain

It is now widely accepted that gender relations take a spatially specific form. Distinctive national, regional and local patterns in the ways in which men and women divide paid labour and caring work result in an uneven geography of the total work of social reproduction and, it has been argued, distinctive regional or local gender cultures. It is also clear that the overall gender order and its geography undergo periodic change. Currently in Britain, and in many other industrial nations, the old gender order of industrial Fordism is collapsing and the traditional moral certainties of that period, perhaps most dominant in Britain in the 1950s, are being renegotiated. In the 1950s, women were expected to seek personal development by the direct care of others, whereas men fulfilled their moral obligations towards others by sharing the rewards of their independent work achievements. However, even during the 1950s, there was considerable diversity in the ways in which women and men undertook the social obligations of care and the division of responsibility for the total burden of social reproduction, especially among households in which women's labour market participation was significant. In this paper, drawing on oral histories undertaken with migrant women who came to Britain in the late 1940s from Latvia, I examine the gendered divisions of labour they established in the 1950s and critically assess the significance of spatially differentiated gender cultures for this group.     

英国对台湾地区的政策特点及原因浅析(1950-1960年)

在东西方冷战的背景下,英国对台湾地区的政策受到多方面因素的影响,是一个棘手且无法回避的敏感问题。20世纪50年代,英国对台湾地区的政策呈现“政经分离”的特点:政治上保守慎重,强调与台湾当局保持距离;经济上积极主动,努力促进双方贸易的发展。英国政府之所以采取这一政策,不仅考虑到台海局势的严峻性、复杂性,也受英国重商主义传统与灵活务实外交思维的影响。英国对台湾地区的“政经分离”政策,使其在兼顾自身政治与经济利益的同时,也加剧了台海局势的复杂性。     

Global Fordism in 1950s Urban China

This article highlights the striking similarity of underlying social forms on both sides of the 1950s Cold War divide. Urban China in the early People’s Republic is interpreted as a variant of Fordism, a coherent social system that assumed hegemony across the globe in the postwar period. Under Fordism, bureaucratic mediation of a rationalized production process was brought together with a new regime of inclusive and homogeneous work and culture, all of which supported a vision of national unity and industrial development. Such an understanding may prove useful in working through difficulties in theorizing this period and in pursuing new directions for research.     

City–suburban electoral polarization in Great Britain, 1950–2001

The degree to which residents of British inner cities and suburbs have diverged in their voting behaviour over the post-war period is analysed in this article. Examining aggregate election results by constituency, it is demonstrated that residents of inner cities and suburbs are indeed polarizing in their electoral choices. OLS regression analysis is conducted using constituency-level data to determine the relevance of intra-urban differences for understanding geographic variation in the vote in relation to those for region, size of conurbation and urban–rural distinctions. Results show that urban place of residence is particularly important for understanding the shifting geography of Conservative support. The implications of this research for electoral change in Britain are discussed.     

Snapshots of Tibet:Lhasa in the 1950s

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20世纪50年代以来东南亚闽籍华人数量的估算

海外华侨华人数量的不确定一直是学术研究中的难题,东南亚地区由于各国复杂的情况这一问题更为明显。多种因素导致东南亚闽籍华侨华人规模估算的困难。论文在参考国内统计数据的基础上,汇总东南亚各国的人口普查数据、年鉴、统计公报和华社会刊等一手资料,并在此基础上参考相关机构和学者研究的二手资料,梳理和分析了东南亚闽籍华人数量的历史变迁与地区分布,并对东南亚地区的新加坡、马来西亚、菲律宾、印度尼西亚、泰国、柬埔寨、越南、缅甸,以及老挝、文莱、东帝汶等国家的闽籍华人数量分别进行了统计和估算。据保守估计,东南亚闽籍华人的总体规模超过1200万。     

Masculinity and Cultural Contestation in the Australian 1950s

Enduring popular narratives posit the 1950s as a time of gendered oppression and conservative stability. While previous historians have pointed to the social and political changes of the period, their work has understood culture as a passive reflector of these transformations. Through analysis of four Australian films, this article argues that the contemporary cultural landscape was a dynamic space that actively negotiated between competing ideals. Exploring the representation of distinct albeit legitimate models of masculinity in these films, this article reveals the complex and unsteady gender order unfolding in the cultural world of the 1950s.     

20世纪五六十年代中国史学的基本走向

20世纪已经结束了。 2 0世纪的中国发生了天翻地覆的巨大变化。2 0世纪的中国史学同样经历了急剧的演变。在跨入新世纪的时刻 ,为了更好地推动中国史学的发展 ,我们很有必要认真地总结和反思它在 2 0世纪的发展。大家都承认 ,2 0世纪的中国史学取得了重大的成就 ,同时也存在许多问题。在学界中对这些成就和问题至今存在着不同的看法 ,这本是很正常的现象。重要的是 ,我们应该通过不同意见的交流和切磋来加深我们的认识 ,更好地进行总结和反思 ,从而促使我国的史学在新世纪发展得更快更健康。这就是本刊举办这次学术讨论的目的。应该说明的是 :一 ,这次学术讨论的题目和范围是 2 0世纪中国史学的发展 ,重点是 1 94 9年新中国成立以后。二 ,讨论的重点是对 2 0世纪的中国史学或其中的某个阶段 ,或某个学派 ,某个学术思潮 ,某个史学分支 ,某个重大专题 ,某个史学领域 ,某种重要现象等从总体上进行观察和评述。一般不对某个具体学者进行讨论和评述。三 ,讨论必须坚持“百花齐放 ,百家争鸣”的方针。欢迎发表各种不同意见 ,进行平等的讨论。四 ,讨论中的任何意见均不代表编辑部的看法。文责均由作者自负。     

20世纪50年代国家对血吸虫病的防治

20世纪50年代,血吸虫病的流行和蔓延给疫区民众的生产、生活等带来了严重的生态危害。在党和政府的高度重视下,血吸虫病疫区的党政部门和群众根据血吸虫病的流行规律及地区特点,进行了大规模的综合性生态环境治理与改造,普遍采用了查杀钉螺、管理粪便、管制水源和查治病人等以传染源控制为主的消灭血吸虫病的方法,使新中国的血吸虫病防治工作取得了很大的成绩,疫区生态面貌发生了深刻变化,从而为后来中国公共卫生事业建设提供了经验借鉴。     

20世纪五六十年代《大公报》的改组与转型

新中国成立后,《大公报》之所以能够成为新中国财经战线的机关报,与它作为民办报纸的影响力有关,与它政治立场的适时转变有关,与它对于资本主义的了解、对于国际问题报道的熟捻有关。《大公报》的成功改组和转型,反映了中共对于优秀文化资产改造和利用的有效性,有成功的经验和可资吸取的教训。     

Reforming Connoisseurship: State and Collectors in Shanghai in the 1950s and 1960s

This paper examines the relationship between the state and art collectors during the 1950s and 1960s in Shanghai. It explores how the state gained control over art and collecting, by building state museums, by co-opting connoisseurs and their collections, and by extending “socialist transformation” to the antiquities market in 1956. However, state control was far from complete, and some trade in antiquities continued outside of official channels. To crack down on this illegal trade, cultural authorities in Shanghai launched a Five-Antis Campaign in 1964 to punish alleged art speculators. Through its cultural institutions and political campaigns, the state controlled culture but did not monopolize it.     

大米换橡胶：20世纪50年代的中锡贸易

1952年9月和12月,中国与锡兰从各自的需要出发,签订了以大米换橡胶为主要内容的政府贸易协定,不仅开创了新中国同尚未建交、又是不同社会制度国家签订政府贸易协定的先河,而且建立了新中国与锡兰间的贸易关系,促进了两国贸易额的迅速增长。1957年8月,中锡在签订第二个五年贸易协定时,面对超价难题,周恩来提出了将贸易和援助分开来谈,即橡胶贸易按照公平的市场价格,但中国同时给予锡兰经济援助的设想,使谈判进入了比较顺利的阶段。中锡贸易协定的执行和续订,从南亚和东南亚方向打开了美国对华封锁、禁运的缺口,促进了中锡友好关系的发展。     

Mamlakhtiyut,Capitalism and Socialism during the 1950s in Israel

The debate over mamlakhtiyut (Zionist republicanism) in the early years of the State of Israel concerned the centrality of the state in the shaping of Israeli society. This article considers whether and to what extent this debate can be seen as a struggle over the possibilities of a “left-wing mamlakhtiyut,” aimed at an egalitarian politics, society and economy, as opposed to a “mamlakhtiyut,” based on structural stratification in the distribution of real political, social and economic power. It concludes that although in the short and medium term Israeli mamlakhtiyut was egalitarian in its socioeconomic policies, its political and educational policies fostered structural inequality in Israeli society.     

Covert and Overt Activism: Christianity in 1950s Coastal China

The phenomenal growth of Catholic and Protestant churches-both officially-registered Three-Self patriotic churches and unofficial house churches-in China has drawn attention to the underlying dynamics of Chinese Christianity.This article draws on archival research and ethnographic findings to investigate the interactions between the officials and Christians in the coastal regions of Shantou (Guangdong province) and Wenzhou (Zhejiang province) during the 1950s and 1960s.The Chaozhou-speaking Catholics,Baptists and Presbyterians in Shantou succeeded in transcending sectarian boundaries and helped each other to cope with political pressure.The Seventh-day Adventists in Wenzhou did likewise by organizing clandestine house gatherings with other Protestants.They held onto their faith,continued their worship activities on Saturday,and maintained a distinct,though not independent,identity under the broad spectrum of Protestantism.These local stories show that as a collective force,Chinese Christians not only employed a variety of tactics to help each other but also reinvented congregational,kinship and cross-regional networks as conduits for pursuing religious goals.Their covert and overt activism highlight the need to combine archival research and fieldwork to assess the revival of Christianity in present-day China.     

Leo Valiani and Enrico Cuccia: Iran in the 1950s

This essay details Leo Valiani's mission to Iran in 1952–53 on behalf of Mediobanca, in order to identify opportunities to promote investments for the development of both the country itself and Italian exports. The events are reconstructed through Valiani's correspondence with Enrico Cuccia (Mediobanca's CEO). A new picture of Valiani as banker emerges, effective on the ground, but also a subtle observer of local situations and prospects. The documents discussed herein highlight certain weaknesses in Mosaddeq's policies, mainly the weak relationship with the heads of finance. The oil dispute between Mosaddeq and the British and the coup orchestrated by the latter in collaboration with the Americans in order to bring down Mosaddeq's government complicated the picture so that every form of co-operation had to be postponed.     

Paragone: notes on hegemony and realism in the 1950s

This article focuses on the literary review Paragone and on the debate on realism articulated by the review and by the Cultural Commission of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) in the 1950s. By analysing the review’s internal composition, correspondence between its contributors, and records of the PCI’s Cultural Commission, this article highlights a series of issues relating to the debate on realism in the 1950s, as a critical time, in both aesthetic and political terms, for the determination of Italian culture’s identity profile. Specifically, the article discusses the key features of the debate on realism that unfolded in Paragone, and relates these to the debate simultaneously developing within the Cultural Commission. This comparison allows us to argue for a close connection between the aesthetic habitus displayed by an independent review and that embraced by a cultural institution with a distinctly political as well as cultural agenda.     

Co-optation and Its Discontents: Seventh-Day Adventism in 1950s China

Most studies of Christianity in the early PRC have focused on the politicization of religious practices under the Three-Self Patriotic Movement, explaining how the Christian faith empowered people to resist the state’s atheistic propaganda. In fact, both Communist officials and Christians invoked ideas about transcendent power and moral purpose, blurring the boundary between secular and religious concerns. The state-sanctioned patriotic religions had greatly impacted the political and theological orientations of Chinese Christians in the Maoist era. This article looks at the Seventh-day Adventist Church in Shanghai, one of the first Protestant denominations to be denounced in the Three-Self Patriotic Movement. When the state infiltrated the Adventist institutions, some of the pro-government Adventist leaders worked with the officials to bring the church closer to the socialist order. Most of the Adventists, however, resisted the state and organized themselves into a diffused network of house churches. This study highlights the fluid and complex political environment that the Adventists experienced, and the ways they interacted with the Maoist state. The reorientation of theological concerns, the new strategies for evangelization, and the growth of autonomous church networks enabled the Adventists to be a fast-growing religious movement.