1954年中印协定与中印边界争端--和平共处五项原则创立50周年回顾

1954年中印协定是20世纪五六十年代中印边界争端中双方争论的一个焦点.当时的印度政府认为,1954年中印协定解决了中印之间包括边界在内的所有悬而未决的问题,是其主张的中印边界中段的条约依据,和平共处五项原则写入协定表明中国确认了印度政府主张的中印边界.中国政府认为,1954年中印协定和写入其中的和平共处五项原则与中印边界无关,更不能表明中国承认了印度主张的任何一段中印边界.中国政府的观点是符合历史事实的.印度政府坚持上述主张及其拒绝续签1954年中印协定的做法,只是为了把其主张的中印边界强加给中国,这对中印关系产生了极坏的影响.     

中尼边界谈判的历史进程和基本经验

中尼边界是继中缅边界后通过外交谈判正式划定、勘定的第二条明晰的陆地边界线。通过谈判,中尼边界正式划定、勘定,包括双方争议较大的珠穆朗玛峰的归属问题,也以中方大体平分、边界线划在蜂顶的建议方案为基础达成基本共识。中尼边界谈判与中缅边界谈判的成功,为新中国有计划、有步骤地以和平共处五项原则为基础,通过外交谈判、互谅互让和友好协商,全面彻底地和平解决与陆地邻国的边界问题提供了成功范例。     

1962年中印边境冲突的起因和终结

40年前,由于印度在中印边境上采取"前进政策",步步进逼,越过实际控制线,我被迫自卫反击.经过一个月的武装冲突,在我单方面停火和主动后撤后,这个中印几千年友好史上不愉快的小小插曲终于迅速结束.正是不打不成交,此后双方逐渐均采取务实和灵活的政策,印方从中印边界问题不容谈判转向边界问题不应影响两国友好关系.1988年已故总理拉吉夫·甘地访华,双方确定了在边界问题上互谅互让、相互调整的原则.     

1964年中苏第一轮边界谈判的历程及基本经验

20世纪60年代初,随着中苏两国关系的全面恶化,以往一直保持平静的边境地区也开始出现紧张局势。有鉴于此,中方主动提出通过外交谈判来解决边界争端,却被苏方拒绝。一直到1964年年初赫鲁晓夫发起新一轮的"和平攻势"后,苏方才接受中方建议,开始第一轮副部长级的边界谈判。在中苏意识形态论战、两国边界问题的历史纠葛、复杂多变的国际局势等综合因素的影响下,谈判进行得十分艰难,最终也未能签订任何协议,这种情况的出现有其历史必然性。不过,在两国交恶的情况下,中苏第一轮边界谈判所取得的经验为两国最终解决边界问题奠定了一定的基础。     

G2时代的中印边界谈判

中国秉持的原则似乎是:中国是个大国,在边界问题上不要与周边小国太过计较8月7日和8日,国务委员戴秉国与印度国家安全顾问纳拉亚南举行第13轮边界谈判。本来此次谈判     

冷战时期的中苏谈判

<正>中国西北、东北地区与苏联接壤,边界线长达7600公里。两国存在边界问题历史久远,但中苏友好时期边境上一直是安宁的。随着中苏两党两国关系日益紧张,从20世纪60年代初起,中苏边界纠纷不断。为了缓和边境紧张局势和解决历史遗留的边界问题,从1964年2月开始,中苏两国进行了边界谈判。这场谈判谈了断,断了谈,断断续续,先后历经40年,     

亲历中苏(俄)边界谈判

我大学毕业后到了外交部工作。其间,我曾参加自1964年到1988年中苏边界谈判的全过程。1995年至1999年,我出任驻俄罗斯联邦大使期间,也曾参与中俄间包括边界问题的各种谈判。可以说,在当代中俄边界谈判问题上,我既是谈判亲历者,又是两国关系演变的见证人。     

西姆拉会议及中英交涉

20世纪初,所谓调解西藏地方与民国中央政府关系的西姆拉会议是英国推行霸权主义,企图分裂西藏脱离中国的拙劣行为.西姆拉会议尽管最终以失败而告终,但对民国中央政府与西藏地方的关系产生了恶劣影响和严重后果.近一个世纪以来,境外敌对势力及达赖分裂集团以非法的“西姆拉草约”和“麦克马洪线”为依据,图谋西藏“独立”.非法的“麦克马洪线”也成为迄今为止仍未解决的中印边界问题产生的根源,其划定区域也成为中国仅存的陆路未定界中争议最大的一块地方,成为影响中印两国关系正常发展的桎梏.尽早解决边界问题,已经成为中印两国的共同愿望,中印双方应充分尊重历史事实,以法律为依据,以两国关系大局和两国人民根本和长远利益为根本出发点尽早解决中印边界问题.     

20世纪80年代以来印度学界对中印边界战争的解析

<正>1962年中印边界战争在中印两国现代史上占有重要地位,对当今中印关系有着不可估量的影响。中印边界战争之后,印度和西方学界曾纷纷指责中国对印度"发动了无端的侵略",认为印度是中印边界纠纷和边境战争的受害者。①这种观点在中印关系全面冷冻时期一直占据统治地位,直到今天仍是主流。70年代,印     

谎言掩盖不住事实——评“藏青会”关于中印关系的声明

今年4月,温家宝总理对印度等南亚4国的成功访问受到国际社会的普遍关注。中国和印度这两个世界上人口最多的大国建立起“面向和平与繁荣的战略合作伙伴关系”,达成了解决悬而未决的边界问题的政治指导原则,无疑对亚洲乃至世界和平都是好事,所有爱好和平的善良人对此感到高兴。然而,有些人却感到惊慌甚至妒恨,“藏青会”的一些人的心态就是如此。     

清代中越陆路边界桂粤段交涉述论（1644—1885）

1644-1885年间,中越陆路边界桂粤段发生了多起领土争端,并引发了清朝与安南（越南）各王朝的边界交涉。本对这些争端和交涉的相关史实作了论述、分析,认为边境地区复杂的民族关系和两国统治对边疆领土的不同认识是影响交涉结果的主要因素。     

Mauna Kea: Two Cultures and the 'Imiloa Astronomy Center

When Snow wrote delivered his lecture on ‘The Two Cultures’ in 1959, he considered this to be a phenomenon that had British, Western and global significance. This article looks at how Snow's ideas play out in the setting of Hawai'i from the early contact with Western navigators through to current disputes over the building of the Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) atop Mauna Kea. ‘Mutual incomprehension’, identified by Snow as the chief characteristics of his two cultures are clearly seen to be at play in Western-Hawai'ian encounters.

This article places the TMT disputes in the setting of the Hawai'ian Renaissance, a movement that has gathered pace since the 1960s. It looks Gieryn's notions of ‘boundary work’ and that of Star and Griesemer on ‘boundary objects’ as ways of framing the discussion. The final focus of the article is the 'Imiloa Astronomy Center in Hilo as a ‘place of safe disagreement’.     

Bilateral Trade and Trade Frictions between China and Japan, 1972–2012

A specialist on Japan’s economic relations with China offers an overview of the two countries’ bilateral trade from 1972 to the present. The bilateral trade has evolved from inter-industry trade (in which China exported primary goods and Japan exported machinery) to intra-industry trade (in which both sides mainly exported machinery to the other). Compared with incidents of acute trade frictions involving Japan and the U.S. and China and the U.S., the trade relations between Japan and China have remained relatively calm, serving as a stabilizer for the broader relationship involving the two countries. Nonetheless, the author documents a recent intensification of trade frictions, as it becomes increasingly evident that China has caught up with (and now surpassed) Japan as an economic power. The analysis shows that, up to 1993, most of the trade disputes involved Japan’s exports to China, and were raised by the Chinese side. Since 1994, most trade disputes were over Japan’s imports from China, and were raised by the Japanese side. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: F140, F510. 3 figures, 27 references.     

1959年赫鲁晓夫的访美与中苏关系

1959年苏联领导人赫鲁晓夫访问美国是20世纪五六十年代美苏关系发展史上一重要历史事件。它不仅影响到美苏之间的关系,而且还深刻地影响到中苏关系的发展。赫鲁晓夫在访美期间高调宣扬“和平共处”的缓和外交,力图同美国共治世界,实现世界霸权;中国政府高度关注赫鲁晓夫的美国之行,对其所宣扬的外交政策及对世界局势的错误认识感到不满;随后在中国进行的会谈中,中苏双方也没有消除在对美国政策方面的分歧,反而使分歧进一步加深。     

Popular Economies In,Against, and Through the Platform

Behind the conjunctural growth of popular economies in Brazilian cities lies a set of entangled disputes over urban density with important political consequences. While popular economic agents are repressed by local governments, informal work hired through digital platforms grows exponentially and engenders new precarious forms of assembling labour relations in, and extracting value from, global South cities. The contrasts and indirect relations between digital platforms and popular economic agents are important in understanding the growth of platforms, which hinges on accessing low-wage workers whose attempts to make an independent living are otherwise prohibited. This dynamic has resulted in the political mobilisation of popular economy agents and their alliances with urban social movements. Through this paper, I examine how their networking and particular disputes for a right to the city hold potential for the emergence of other economies.     

Pawns,pirates or peacemakers: Fishing boats in the inter-Korean maritime boundary dispute and ambivalent governmentality

Extractive activities such as oil drilling, mining and fishing often appear implicated in international maritime boundary disputes. While natural resources' crucial role as a catalyst for conflict has been well-noted in the literature, such an approach has typically assumed a contextual and passive position of natural resources with little political agency for altering the dynamics of a confrontation. This paper provides an alternative perspective in which resource activities constitute a willful agent that works in part to govern the course of the boundary dispute. Drawing on Foucault's notion of governmentality, I look at how South Korean fishing activities near a disputed maritime border between the two Koreas, called the Northern Limit Line, may be imbued with intentionality representing an indirect arm of the state's geopolitical agenda. Mobilizing the realist narrative of an immovable border and the mundane tactics of education sessions and at-sea radio communication, I suggest that the South Korean government is seeking to create subjects in fishers to reinforce the state objectives of boundary legitimization and defense of claimed waters. The analysis, however, also demonstrates an ambivalent nature of governmentality, with fishers muddling the state interventions through their own conduct and rationale. The South Korean government thus faces a delicate task of managing the fishing operation vis-à-vis the boundary dispute. Taking the seemingly innocuous resource activity such as fishing to the center stage of power relations, this paper also tables one way of engaging with maritime boundaries, one of the understudied domains in political geography.     

The India-Iran-Pakistan Triad: Comprehending the Correlation of Geo-economics and Geopolitics

Historically, India’s policy on Iran has been a balancing act between securing its interests as a counterweight to Pakistan, and ensuring its continued partnership with the US and other regional players. Yet confusion in India’s Iran policy became evident when Iran’s nuclear program began to draw international attention in the 1990s. More recently, India has attempted to reach out to Iran, reigniting trade relations and initiating new plans. Growing Indo-Iran relations are however a worrying sign for Islamabad, which is attempting a simultaneous expansion of ties with Tehran while continuing to resolve outstanding disputes. The central argument of this paper is that India’s relations with Iran are best understood through the prism of the intertwining of geo-economic and geopolitical considerations. Analysis has often separated these two factors, but there is evidence that a synergy exists – and that it is particularly visible when the Pakistani element is introduced. Often emphasising historical and cultural affinity, India and Pakistan have each sought politically and economically viable relations with Iran. Yet their bilateral political calculations and the current economic challenges have prompted a nuanced policy based on a careful balancing of geo-economics and geopolitics.     

Asymmetrical international integration and Ukrainian national disunity

This article examines the impact of international integration on ethno-regional relations in multiethnic states. It argues that when ethno-regions in such a state have different geographic patterns of foreign ties, national unity suffers. “Asymmetrical international integration” (AII) hinders national cohesion by reducing the cultural similarity of the ethno-regions, sharpening their disputes over foreign policy, and intensifying their disparate identities. This argument is evaluated using the case of Ukraine. Analysis of a survey distributed to approximately 1000 elites in two key Ukrainian cities in 1994–95, as well as of other data, demonstrates that AII exists, is believed by Ukrainians to weaken national unity, and in fact does weaken national unity.     

An intra-imperial conflict: the mapping of the border between Algeria and Tunisia, 1881-1914

This paper explores the issue of colonial borders through a case study of the intra-imperial boundary between Tunisia and Algeria, two territories under French rule between 1881 and the first decade of the twentieth century. The aim here is to understand what was at stake when it came to separating two territories holding different legal status but both administered by the French: Algeria which had officially become a French colony in 1830 and Tunisia which was given Protectorate status in 1880. The paper considers some of the many disputes over the border that took place both in the field and in colonial administrative offices. It also raises the question of the scope of colonial rule by exploring the way the border was never fully determined and was constantly redrawn by the inhabitants of the border regions themselves, who were presented first as tribes, and later, as either Algerian or Tunisian by the French civil and military administrations, and by the political authorities in Algiers, Tunis or Paris. As they all had their own interests in the matter, disputes were common but were also sometimes resolved in unexpected ways. Finally, the paper raises a further issue concerning the question of national identity in the context of the definition of national territories, which reveals the full ambiguity of the concept of identity in the colonial situation.     

the Future of the Past: Historiographical Disputes and Competing Memories in Germany and Israel

During the last two decades, a surge of historical revisionism has commanded considerable attention in both academia and the public sphere, as historians have linked their understandings of the past to salient problems and identity crises of the present. Increasingly, the histories of nations have been problematized and have become the object of commemorative battles. Historiographical disputes thus reveal no less about contemporary political sensibilities than they do about a nation's history. This article situates the proliferation of historical revisionism within the context of ongoing negotiations regarding the meaning of the nation at the end of the twentieth century. Through a comparison of recent historians' disputes in Germany and Israel, I explore the relationship between revisionism and collective memory, and the ways in which both are reflective of and contribute to the reformation of national identification. While national identities are usually predicated on continuities with the past, new German and Israeli identities are being defined in opposition to the founding myths of their nation-states. Both are continuously reassessing their pasts, negotiating the balance between a commitment to universal (democratic) values and the persistence of particularistic (ethnic) traditions. To be sure, national pasts have been contested before, but until recently the primacy of the nation itself was not significantly challenged. I suggest understanding the ongoing phenomenon of national demystification in the context of changing state–society relations. States no longer enjoy the same hegemonic power over the means of collective commemoration. In contrast to the state-supportive role of historians during the formative phase of nationalism, collective memory has become an increasingly contested terrain. In both countries, revisionists from the left and right self-consciously struggle to provide historical narratives of their nation's past to suit their present political views of the future.