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1.
塔西佗《历史》中"命运"的涵义,或指神性之命运、或指偶然发生的历史事件之原因。塔西佗承认神性之命运对人事的支配作用,同时也重视从人事上探求史事的原因。此类似乎存在矛盾的命运观中,实际上蕴含了相当深刻的思想。塔西佗意识到人类理性在历史中的作用,同时也意识到人类理性无法把握历史的偶然性与具有必然性意义的演变。他所谓神性之命运,最深层意思是指人类理性的局限性。塔西佗的命运观,深受希腊和罗马传统史学命运思想的影响。  相似文献   

2.
希罗多德《历史》与色诺芬的《居鲁士的教育》均涉及波斯早期历史,二人根据各自理解和需要塑造了不同的居鲁士形象。希罗多德试图说明居鲁士的成功遵循具有必然性的命运,而色诺芬则试图刻画居鲁士的成功历程,更注重教育对塑造典范统治者的作用。但两书也体现出相似的时代性,作者在重视神意和必然性命运的同时,也重视人事,并试图将命运与人事相结合,这是古典时代人文精神发展的重要体现。  相似文献   

3.
希罗多德《历史》所述主题为希腊人与异族人之纷争及其原因,书中"希腊人"、"异族人"分别皆有多层面的含义,必须依据文本内容和语境具体加以辨析。希氏在其著作中往往站在波斯人的立场上讨论波希战争及其相关问题,在确认这场战争的起因和终结时间等关键问题时就是如此。《历史》无疑是一部完整记载波希战争的著作。只有彻底摈弃学术史上某些积习和偏见,才有可能对希罗多德的成就和不足作出客观公正的评价。  相似文献   

4.
希罗多德著《历史》卷首冠有一段开宗明义的序言,其核心概念“探究”(historia)与其他几个相关联的概念构成一个特殊的、意蕴深厚的语义场,对于读者领会整部《历史》的旨趣至为关键。本文将该序言置于早期希腊思想史的语境(主要是荷马史诗传统与新兴的伊奥尼亚思想)之中加以考察,旨在提出《历史》序言的结构、内容和功能与荷马史诗的序诗,尤其是与《伊利亚特》的序诗存在着多重的互应关系,从中可以看出,希罗多德的“探究”虽然是一种新的认知方式,但更多地沿袭着荷马史诗的传统。通过“叙事”(logos)来展示自己的“探究”的希罗多德,就实现保存荣耀的目的而言,既是史诗诗人的竞争者,亦是他的追随者。  相似文献   

5.
从本意上说,希罗多德的""一字与"历史"无关。它是探研和究诘的结合。柯林武德说:希罗多德没有继承者。其实,这一论断并不完全准确。因为后来的希腊史家修昔底德、色诺芬虽然没有承继希罗多德"探研究诘"的风格,但亚里士多德及其学生特奥弗拉斯图斯却承传了希罗多德的传统,并分别撰写了《对动物的探研究诘》以及《对植物的探研究诘》。他们是希罗多德真正的后继者。深刻挖掘希罗多德《历史·序言》的本质内涵,重新审视希罗多德研究的对象,探索溯源希腊史家独立精神的确立,是本文的重点与关键。  相似文献   

6.
正纵观人类历史,几千年来所有对社会现实产生过重大影响的思想理念都是混合着历史积淀与理论思辨的前瞻性成果,而且,新的思想观念从提出到最终被世人广泛接受和认同往往需要一个过程。同理,"人类命运共同体"的理念自提出之日起便引起了社会的广泛关注,国内国外学界纷纷著书立说,各抒己见。前者主要从概念的内涵、理论渊源、实践路径等方面进行探讨,后者则基本沿着"动机·行为·影响"的逻辑主线,对"人类命运共同体"提出的动机、构建的路径及其可能给世界带来的  相似文献   

7.
《长恨歌》是一首蕴涵深刻、耐人咀嚼的千古绝唱,对其主题的理解和思考,从它问世以来就一直存在着分歧,有多种观点。本文把《长恨歌》的主题思想理解为一个具有相对独立性的多重主题的兼包互容、相辅相成而又合为一体的有机统一整体的思想体系,从爱情与人生两个角度把握《长恨歌》的主题,分别把《长恨歌》看作爱情悲剧、人类生存和发展的悲剧加以评述。  相似文献   

8.
近五六十年来,人们对古城墙的态度发生了巨大的变化,与之密切相关的城墙命运也是如此,经历了一个从拆除到日渐重视保存、从趋于保护到热衷于修复和重建的历史过程。本文对这一过程及其重要人事进行了梳理,并分析了相关重要影响因素。同时,基于城墙命运巨大变化的历史考察,对快速城市化过程中的城市文化遗产保护进行了多方面的思考。  相似文献   

9.
<正>一、西方史学传统的基本内涵传统不是一蹴而就的,史学传统也是这样。在西方,"史学之父"希罗多德奠立史学之前,它曾经历了一段很长的"前希罗多德时代"。西方史学传统的最初源头可以追溯到古希腊神话和史诗,尤其是《荷马史诗》那里。正如英国史家柏立所说,在《荷马史诗》中,就隐含着历史的探究精神,这与后来者希罗多德在《历史》中的"探究",确有文脉相通、相互传承的历史因缘和联系。这之后,赫西俄德在《工作与时日》中所显露的"时序"观念;这之后,爱奥尼亚散文史家显露了理性批判精神。  相似文献   

10.
李维史学中的命运观念用fortuna、fatum等多种词汇形式表达,从而传递出不同状况下不同层面之内涵与意义。命运作为一种人类无法完全掌控的力量,在李维笔下源于诸神又超越于神意,其实质是以偶然性来展示历史进程中某种不以人类意志为转移的必然性因素。李维以通史之眼光,透过诸神或神意、人的行为与命运之互动,看到了pietas等德性力量,并试图以此来解释命运,表现出一种对罗马民族精神的内向观察以及一定时空场域而具有宗教伦理色彩的历史性反思。李维尝试以此相对不变之道德理性来解释历史变化,但面对历史之复杂性又无法完全化解。李维史学的命运观集中展现了这种具有内在张力的历史思想。  相似文献   

11.
Marnie Hughes-Warrington's book, History as Wonder: Beginning with Historiography, invites readers to reconsider the power of wonder as a critical concept whose theoretical implications go far beyond its evident ability to inspire historical research. Wonder is supposedly a neutral weapon for historians, one that is limited to promoting incessant curiosity about the past. Attempting to move from a poetic and aesthetic vision of wonder to a consideration of the concept's ethical and political uses, Hughes-Warrington claims that “historians since Herodotus have engaged with or responded to the efforts of thinkers who attempt to make general sense of the world, metaphysicians” (xii). In what follows, I challenge Hughes-Warrington's approach by emphasizing and exploring the epistemological questions History as Wonder raises about who holds the power to establish a conventional sense of the world and to what extent historical research may offer general explanations of the world without succumbing to precritical assumptions or metahistorical reductionisms.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

In The Clash of Civilizations (1996) Samuel Huntington placed the Persian Wars at the beginning of the long line of clashes between civilizations. To the modern reader the emphasis Huntington puts on the role played by religion in defining Athenian civilization and its conflict with the “barbarians” appears to be consistent with Herodotus’ position on these wars. However, this position overlooks the fact that the ancient polytheistic beliefs and cults implied a particular attitude to religion, unlike that of monotheistic religions. In the ancient Mediterranean world the temples and sacred places were to be universally respected and any violation of this rule was regarded as sacrilege that justified persecution of the wrongdoers, whose ethnicity was of no, or only of secondary, importance. The purpose of this article is to survey the main passages in Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon that treat the wars between the Greeks and Persians and between Greek city-states, and to demonstrate that the line dividing defenders (or avengers) of divine cults from offenders of the gods was not drawn between Greeks and barbarians, but between defenders and offenders.  相似文献   

13.
Herodotus demonstrably used Aeschylus’ Persae at various points in his account of the battle of Salamis. The author argues that Herodotus relied on the Persae far more heavily and in far more places than commonly admitted owing to Herodotus’ thoroughgoing interpretation and revision of his source. Tracing such interpretation and revision reveals much about Herodotus as an historian; moreover, the demonstrable use of a written source (which Herodotus, in fact, never mentions) raises additional questions about the extent of Herodotus’ reliance upon written sources elsewhere.  相似文献   

14.
The following pages, which deal with the pre‐history of the concept of history from Homer to Herodotus, first propose to decenter and historicize the Greek experience. After briefly presenting earlier and different experiences, they focus on three figures: the soothsayer, the bard, and the historian. Starting from a series of Mesopotamian oracles (known as “historical oracles” because they make use in the apodosis of the perfect and not the future tense), they question the relations between divination and history, conceived as two, certainly different, sciences of the past, but which share the same intellectual space in the hands of the same specialists. The Greek choices were different. Their historiography presupposes the epic, which played the role of a generative matrix. Herodotus wished to rival Homer; what he ultimately became was Herodotus. Writing dominates; prose replaces verse; the Muse, who sees and knows everything, is no longer around. So I would suggest understanding the emblematic word “historia” as a subsititute, which operates as an analogue of the (previous) omnivision of the Muse. But before that, Herodotean “invention”— the meeting of Odysseus and the bard Demodocus, where for the first time the fall of Troy is told—can be seen as the beginning, poetically speaking at least, of the category of history.  相似文献   

15.
沈琦 《史学月刊》2020,(1):88-96
徐浩著《中世纪西欧工商业研究》一书,旨在探讨中世纪中期开始西欧如何和为何逐步走上市场经济的道路。该书将社会转型问题从资本主义的起源转换为市场经济的兴起,在理论上充分吸收了经济学的历史经济学理论和经济社会史的商业化理论,着眼于中世纪西欧工商业史中一系列既独立又相互依托的重要专题,探讨中世纪西欧工商业存在和发展的特定历史环境、商业诸问题以及工业诸问题。该书的研究特色体现为对中世纪西欧作长时段的考察,关注普通民众的命运,研究方法上注重比较,主张对社会经济变化的原因作多视角的阐释。  相似文献   

16.
17.
This article addresses the debate between Afrocentrists like Martin Bernal and classical scholars such as Mary Lefkowitz and Robert Palter concerning the origins of ancient Greek civilization. Focusing on the first half of Herodotus’ Histories, I argue that, although Greek cultural developments can be attributed to the Greeks themselves, Herodotus indicates that the conditions that made these developments possible were due to the prior Greek absorption of important aspects of Egyptian religion. Herodotus shows that the Greeks learned from the Egyptians to individualize their gods and to appreciate the humanity of women. This Egyptian influence, Herodotus suggests, is what allowed the Greeks, in contrast to the Scythians, to become an object to themselves within the context of stable city life. I conclude that this habit of self-reflection is the source of the uniquely Greek contribution to the art, philosophy, science and politics of the West.  相似文献   

18.
《经世大典》是元代编纂的一部政书,由于原书早已散佚,学界对该书史料来源的分析探讨鲜有涉及。就现存佚文分析,该书史料来源大致可以分为中央政府部门档案公文、元人著作、大臣献书、口头文献、前朝文献五类。  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

In this essay the author summarizes the argument of his book entitled The Myth of Religious Violence, whose main contention is that there is no reason to suppose that people are more likely to kill for a god than for a whole other host of “secular” ideologies and practices that behave in the way that “religions” do. The author then goes on to respond to various critiques that have been made of the book since its appearance in 2009.  相似文献   

20.
Orlando Figes's book The Crimean War: a history, based on English, Russian, French and Turkish sources, throws a new light on the Crimean War in a number of ways. It shows that the conflict was far from being a small war, but a landmark event. It was the only example of a war between Britain and Russia—and it led to enormous casualties. It also represented a stage in medical history, since most of the casualties were caused by disease. In Britain, it marked a new advance in the power of the press, which did much to fuel anti‐Russian sentiment. The war was also fuelled, on both sides, by religious and nationalist sentiment—but its most important cause related to the fate of the Ottoman Empire, then in decline, and fears that its collapse could result in a dangerous power vacuum. The war still has a significance for the present day because the collapse of communism has failed to resolve the antagonism between Russia and the West. Here, the book throws an important light on the development of British and western attitudes towards Russia, many of which were shaped in the nineteenth century. The book deserves attention, both here and in Russia.  相似文献   

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