The Troubled Courtship of Gladys and Mick

In 1959, a Northern Territory bureaucrat refused permission for Mick Daly, a non-Aboriginal drover, to marry his Aboriginal girlfriend, Gladys Namagu. Their case sparked a national controversy involving federal and state politicians, academics, the media, and even the United Nations. This article reconstructs the story of Gladys and Mick's romance, comparing their particular corporealities to that conjugal body demanded as the 'proper' subject of matrimony. In their troubled courtship, how was marriage deployed as a regulatory strategy, and how did the specificities of race disrupt or contest the corporeal body politic discursively figured therein? The story of Gladys and Mick is part of a longer work in progress concerning 'the conjugal body politic'-the corporeal, political subjectivities produced and regulated in Australian legislation on marriage and marriage-like relationships. But this reasoning is not in the fashion to choose me a husband. O me, the word 'choose'! I may neither choose who I would nor refuse who I dislike The Merchant of Venice I 2     

戴季陶1925—1926年间致胡汉民等几封信

戴季陶（1891年-1949年）,祖籍浙江吴兴,初名良弼,后改名传贤,字季陶,别号天仇。他早年留学日本,参加中国同盟会,1924年1月在中国国民党第一次全国代表大会上当选为中央执行委员、中执会常务委员,任宣传部长等职。1924年底随孙中山北上,不久南返。孙中山逝世后,戴季陶在北京、广州、上海等地到处演讲,并在上海设立“季陶办事处”,专心著述,反对阶级斗争与国共合作。1925年6、7月间,戴相继撰写了《孙文主义之哲学的基础》、《国民革命与中国国民党》两本小册子,提出一套完整的理论,对中国共产党、国共合作的革命统一战线与工农运动进行攻击,被称为“戴季陶主义”。戴季陶主义曾广泛传播,对国民革命的进程产生了重要影响,遭到瞿秋白等共产党人的严厉批评,进步的国民党人也予以抵制。1926年初中国国民党第二次全国代表大会上,戴季陶仍当选为中央执行委员,但其与西山会议派的暧昧关系受到大会批评。同年10月,戴受命主持中山大学校政。 美国哈佛大学哈佛一燕京图书馆所藏“胡汉民往来函电稿”中,收有戴季陶1926年前后与胡汉民等人的若干通信,较详细地叙述其写作《国民革命与中国国民党》等书的动机与经过,也涉及到“廖仲恺案”、国民党地方党务、戴季陶与胡汉民的关系等。现辑录于下,以有助于读者全面了解戴季陶的生平与思想、“戴季陶主义”的形成过程及当时国民党上层人物间的关系。另有同时期汪精卫、邵元冲分别致胡汉民的信,与此主题有关,一并附收于后。 原件无标点,无标题,顺序由辑注者编排。     

Philip IV of Spain and the Portuguese Inquisition (1621–1641)

The historiography of the I berian I nquisitions has focused on analysing relations between the H oly O ffice and the secular authorities in the society in which it operated. The I nquisition was not an i sland. It influenced and was influenced by society. This line of inquiry will be reprised to study relations between the C rown and the P ortuguese I nquisition in a complex and difficult period in the history of the H ispanic monarchy, namely the reign of P hilip IV , during which the kingdom of P ortugal regained full independence in 1640. It will offer a holistic view of the institution (not restricted to policies designed to repress heresy), and a detailed reconstruction of events in order to demonstrate the dynamic nature of these processes. The essential problem will be to determine the impact of the C rown's offensive, launched in an attempt to dominate the T ribunal, and the strategies and results of the response of the I nquisition, commanded by its I nquisitor G enerals and the G eneral C ouncil of the H oly O ffice.     

《楚辞》中恋爱习俗描写及其文化阐释

受当时楚国文化传统、政治制度、审美心理等多种因素的制约,《楚辞》中恋爱习俗描写打上了楚文化鲜明的时代印记。本文在研究《楚辞》中恋爱习俗主要表现形态的基础上,深入探讨了其存在与发展的独特文化渊源、内涵和时代精神。     

The world picture of Philip the fair

During the arrest and early months of the trial of the Templars in 1307 and 1308, a number of documents emanated from Philip IV's chancery which are not only valuable evidence of the regime's administrative concerns during the trial, but also, in the language used, convey a sense of contemporary concepts of the medieval world order as seen either by the king himself or by his chief advisers. Royal motivation for the arrests is still a matter of controversy, but it does not seem inconsistent to believe that Philip both sought the Templars' wealth to alleviate immediate financial problems and came to convince himself that the Templars had transgressed the laws upon which the whole ordering of society was based. It is upon this second aspect of Philip's mental outlook that this discussion concentrates. This paper aims to examine these concepts and to relate them to other contemporary polemical views on the trial.     

The world picture of Philip the fair

During the arrest and early months of the trial of the Templars in 1307 and 1308, a number of documents emanated from Philip IV's chancery which are not only valuable evidence of the regime's administrative concerns during the trial, but also, in the language used, convey a sense of contemporary concepts of the medieval world order as seen either by the king himself or by his chief advisers. Royal motivation for the arrests is still a matter of controversy, but it does not seem inconsistent to believe that Philip both sought the Templars' wealth to alleviate immediate financial problems and came to convince himself that the Templars had transgressed the laws upon which the whole ordering of society was based. It is upon this second aspect of Philip's mental outlook that this discussion concentrates. This paper aims to examine these concepts and to relate them to other contemporary polemical views on the trial.     

From Domus to Polis: Hybrid Identities in Southey’s Letters from England (1807) and Blanco White’s Letters from Spain (1822)

ABSTRACT

Robert Southey’s fictive travelogue, Letters from England, by Don Manuel Alvarez Espriella (1807), inspired several imitators, most importantly José María Blanco White with his Letters from Spain (1822). These works rejuvenate a fictional device popularised by Montesquieu’s Persian Letters—the “familiar stranger”—at a crucial juncture when British involvement in the affairs of Europe provoked a reassessment of pre-Revolutionary cosmopolitanism. The stranger as home-interpreter calls attention to an emerging emphasis in European Romantic thought on the contingency of freedom with hybrid, mobile identities, prefiguring the psycho-social-historical terrain in which Jean-François Lyotard and Dean MacCannell link modernity with travel and tourism. This essay argues that the Romantic figure of the foreign traveller expresses a condition of travel, reflecting Lyotard’s critique of human contingency in his essay “Domus and the Megalopolis.” Southey’s sympathetic stranger modulates a conversation with Wordsworth about the nature of modern subjectivity, historically contingent yet paradoxically liberated from historical particulars. Blanco White’s Letters from Spain demonstrates how displacement, emigration, and expatriation become refigured as conditions of the modern psyche, especially visible in moments of political crisis, when the cosmopolitan polis is immobilised by the myth of the domus.     

日本国会图书馆藏黎庶昌遗札

日本所藏中国古籍文献中,有许多珍贵的书札.本文披露的是国立国会图书馆藏黎庶昌致宫岛诚一郎的书札.     

乐府古辞与古诗十九首关系考辨

“古诗”之数,不仅十九之限,余见《乐府诗集》所收“古辞”之中,相与援袭,而存在一个共同的模仿对象,即乐府民歌。《乐府诗集》中《西门行》、《艳歌行》、《长歌行》等,当与乐府民歌相去不远,其主题元素广泛影响文人“古诗”制作;《西门行》一首尤为十九首中多篇祖述,而十九首之《生年不满百》为其改写。即此改写的言辞整练、构篇变化与音乐脱离,显见乐府歌辞向文人“古诗”的过渡,体现了后者的共同特点。究之“古诗”之作,并非“作者”的个体“创作”,而是展转相袭的共鸣抒写。     

The prince and the churl: The traumatic experience of Philip Augustus

Historians have recently argued that by the late Middle Ages a number of Mediterranean economies, notably southern Italy and parts of Spain, stood in a “colonial” relationship vis-à-vis other Mediterranean or northern European regions. For Sicily it has been argued that its economy was based on the exchange of agricultural products, principally grain, for imported manufactures, mainly textiles. Sicilian cloth manufactures were too weak to withstand foreign competition, which created an unbalanced and externally dependent structure of exchange and radically curtailed any chance of autochthonous economic development. This article discusses the empirical evidence upholding these statements about Sicilian textile manufactures. It includes an evaluation of the proportion of foreign imports to local production and consumption, of the socially distinct markets to which foreign and local manufactures catered, and of the nature, quality and extent of local production; the discussion is set in the context of the economic and social transformations taking place in Europe after 1350. The final part briefly analyses the institutional structures and constraints peculiar to Sicilian manufacture, such as the relationship between city and countryside and the apparent lack of any craft organizations. In the light of the extensive evidence for textile manufactures, the author concludes that the empirical basis for the argument that Sicily had a “colonial” dependence on cloth imports is insufficient, that local manufacture was quite capable of withstanding foreign competition of comparable quality, and that the explanation for Sicily's economic development in the late medieval and modern periods must be sought in its own social structures and in the result of the conflicts that arose within them.     

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