卫生何为——中国近世的卫生史研究

卫生和卫生的历史并不单纯,一旦我们从不同的视角去多方位、多层次地观察和思考,便不难发现其中被人忽视的历史现象和存在的认识局限。一部卫生史关乎的不仅是医疗和健康的演变,而且也是社会和文化的变迁。关于中国近世卫生史的研究,不仅具有重要的学术价值,也对我们更好地理解和认识现实深具意义。本文对近百年中国卫生史研究做一鸟瞰式的回顾,并分析了其中存在的问题和今后可能的研究路径。     

汉口卫生之最

汉口称不上古老,历史却也在百年以上.老汉口人欢喜谈掌故,年轻人则希望知道些过去.温故方知新,我们应该从汉口的过去、现在展望其繁荣昌盛的前景.笔者这里仅就汉口在卫生方面最早的几件事略述如下:     

都安瑶族自治县卫生工作成绩突出

改革开放以来,特别是近10年来,都安县认真贯彻新时期卫生工作方针,紧紧围绕保护和增进人民健康这个根本宗旨,积极探索,全面推进卫生领域的改革和发展,在医疗、防疫、保健、医学科技等各方面都取得了令人瞩目的成就。     

黑龙江省兽医卫生防疫站

李书化同志,现任省兽医卫生防疫站站长、省防治牲畜口蹄疫指挥部办公室主任。大学本科学历,研究员,博士生导师。全国动物翻译标准化技术委员会委员、国家动物流行病学研究中心特约研究员、中国家畜传染病学会理事、中国农科院哈兽研学术委员会委员、声触目兽医医学会副秘书长、省动物保健品协会副理事长。他参与起草了2001年3月1日起开始实施的《黑龙江省动物防疫条例》,主持制定了与《条例》相关的7个配套规范性文件和《黑龙江省紧急重大动物疫病防治应急预案》;主持制定了10项全国动物防疫行业标准,参与审定了68项全国动物防疫行业标准,取…     

卫生计生局档案管理信息化研究

本文通过对卫生计生局档案管理信息化进行仔细研究,来加强档案管理信息化在实际工作中的运用,目的是建立一个健康、完整的档案管理体系,充分发挥卫生计生局档案管理的服务作用,已达到更好的实际效益。     

互助构建卫生保障网

卫生事业关系千家万户幸福安康,是一项重大的民生问题,近年来,随着新一轮深化医药卫生体制改革全面展开,互助土族自治县卫生事业发展取得了新成绩。一、深化医药卫生体制改革全面启动并稳步推进基本医疗保障制度逐步完善。互助县以基本实现全县居民应保尽保为目标,按照"广覆盖、保基本、可持续"的     

《卫生的现代性:中国通商口岸卫生与疾病的含义》

本书以从鸦片战争至朝鲜战争一百余年间“卫生”这个中文概念的含义变化为主要线索，并将这条线索置于天津复杂的通商四岸环境之中。本书的研究方法与所阐述的观点颇有值得称道之处，倒如：其一，由于作为“生命权力”的“卫生”这个概念被广泛使用且指涉“城市”、“民族”及“国家”等其他概念之意义，遂使“卫生”本身在当代中国争取实现现代性状态的过程中，占据了中心地位。其二，     

卫生计生局档案管理模式研究

本文从卫生计生局档案管理模式、存在的问题、改革环境分析,找到解决的措施,以加快构建适合卫生计生局档案管理的发展为目标,最终建立起满足卫生计生局档案发展需要的档案管理模式。     

建立中国卫生的公平性

不管你是城市人口还是农村人口,不管你在国家机关还是在企业,应当建立全国统一的社会保障制度     

中央苏区的防疫卫生运动

正土地革命时期,为了保障苏区军民的健康和革命战争的胜利,中央苏区从军队到地方、从中央到基层,自上而下开展了一场持久的、颇具声势的防疫卫生运动。尤其是中华苏维埃共和国临时中央政府在瑞金成立后,每年年初都会召开研究卫生防疫工作的会议,逐步组建起各级卫生领导管理机构和医疗防疫机构,建立"预防为主"的卫生防疫机制。苏区广大工农群众被普遍地动员起来,全民     

Do Australians want the welfare state?

The failures of the Australian welfare state are often implicitly argued to derive in large part from the conservatism of the Australian public. This research uses public opinion poll data from 1940 to 1985 to question some of the claims made about public opinion and Australian welfare. These data indicate that post‐World War Two governments were not the captives of public opposition to expanded welfare provision. The public favoured generous, universal and contributory welfare provision in specific areas where the policies of successive Australian governments favoured selective, illiberal welfare measures funded by taxation. Moreover, public support for government health schemes suggests that welfare programmes generate public support rather than result from it.

This evidence suggests that explanations for the conservatism of the Australian welfare state lie elsewhere.     

On official corruption in the Yuan dynasty

The vicious cycle of official corruption got worse unprecedentedly in the Yuan dynasty (ca. 1279–1368). Corrupt officials at all levels from the local to the central governments were “extremely shameless and greedy.” Even many court ministers got involved in the vicious cycle of corruption. The top officialdom was polluted and degenerated badly because the Mongolian nobles made their “Sauqat” (taking gifts) tradition and the Semu, both official and merchant groups, took bribes as a way to amass wealth. Although the Mongol Yuan rulers did make a set of anti-corruption policies such as detailed rules of censorship and inspection relating to corruption crimes, these didn’t work well. Of all the reasons of the Yuan official corruption, the old Mongolian steppe traditions play the most important role, which formed the context for the low salary, improper selection and poor quality of the officials and of bending the law wrongly to pardon official misconduct. __________ Translated from: Nankai Xuebao Zhexue Shehui Kexue Ban 南开学报: 哲学社会科学版 (Nankai Journal, Philosophy and Social Science Edition), Vol.5, 2004, by Zhang Weiwei     

Political Decoupling: Private Implementation of Public Policy

Where policy goals can be achieved through regulation of private firms, private provision of public services allows governments to separate public policies from their political costs by shifting those costs to the private sector. Over the past three decades, financial decoupling has emerged as a regulatory strategy for promoting conservation, especially in the energy sector. Decoupling refers to the separation of a firm’s revenues from the volume of its product consumed, which allows companies to pursue resource efficiency free from financial risk. Similarly, when private firms provide public services, they separate public policies from their political costs. This political decoupling allows governments to pursue controversial policies while avoiding their attendant political risks. Applied to environmental policy, this theory implies that potentially unpopular conservation policies are more likely to be adopted and succeed when implemented through private firms. As an initial test of the theory, we analyze California water utilities and their responses to that state’s drought from 2015–2017. Analysis shows that, compared with those served by local government utilities, private utilities adopted more aggressive conservation measures, were more likely to meet state conservation standards, and conserved more water.     

明代福建社会风气的变迁

Under the stimulus of developing commercial economy and overseas trade, the social customs characterized by prevailing luxury and extravagance was gradually formed in Fujian Province from the mid-Ming Dynasty on. The transformation started from the material culture and later spread to people—s mental attitudes including the public ethics and human relations. Compared with what happened in the Jiangnan area (the Yangtze River Delta), the change in Fujian Province was less profound and thorough, but it highly surpassed the North China society, where many sub-prefectures and counties remained unchanged till the end of the Ming Dynasty. However, there were also some coastal or interior regions in Fujian which continuously maintained a simple and unspoiled social atmosphere for the unbalanced economic development. Translated by Zhou Weiwei and Chen Cheng from Zhejiang Xuekan 浙江学刊 (Zhejiang Academic Journal), 2007, (5): 34–44     

Unions,Parties, and the Politics of State Government Legacy Cost

Many American state governments have made extensive promises to pay for employees’ health care and other benefits in retirement. Currently estimated at over $1 trillion in unfunded liabilities, these other postemployment benefits (OPEB) are creating a major fiscal problem for state governments. In this article, we examine the politics of OPEB. We seek to explain the variation in the generosity of OPEB across U.S. states. We argue that party competition theories do not adequately explain the outcomes we observe. Instead, we draw on the emerging Schattschneiderian approach to the politics of public policy to show that public union strength conditions a party's incentives to represent unions’ interests. In states where public sector unions are strong, unions can find their way into either party's coalition. We find that Republicans are more responsive to public union interests than either their ideological brand or prior research would suggest. It is only in states where public employees are weak that Republicans can act unilaterally and enact their preference for less government spending. To test our theories, we carry out an empirical analysis using a newly assembled data set of per capita OPEB liabilities across 49 states.     

Establishing the Public Sphere and Abolishing the Private Domain: The Rise of a Doctrine and Its Social Significance in the Spring and Autumn Period

The dominant views regarding the concepts of “the public” (gong) and “the private” (si) took shape in the Spring and Autumn period and matured in the succeeding years of the Warring States period. This paper is an attempt to trace both the growth of the vocabulary containing “gong” and “si” and the development of philosophical views regarding issues that center on the relation between the individual and the larger social/communal/political body, of which that individual is a member; it also touches on issues related to the proper handling of public affairs and the relation between state, sovereign, and the individual. The era is often characterized as “The Contention of the Hundred Schools of Thought,” notwithstanding it ended with but one view that is universally accepted by thinkers of diverse persuasion, namely, si is the source of all social evil and, therefore, should be condemned. This is the doctrine known as ligong miesi (abolishing si so gong may be established), which contributed to the orthodox for that era and the millennium to come. By extolling gong and condemning si, it painted a portrait of the pair as two irreconcilable norms or forces in social and political life; it provided a justification for the then emerging new social arrangement and ways of distribution of power and resources, and it also led to acute conflicts between the sovereign and the state, the ruled and the ruler, the state and the subject, as well as the public sphere and the private domain. Translated from Nankai Journal, Vols. 4, 5, 2004     

清末四川庙产兴学进程中的砍伐庙树

During Sichuan’s promotion of education in the late Qing Dynasty, trees in the domain of Buddhist or Daoist temples, which were part of temples’ property, had been felled across the province. The profits gained were used to repair or build schools as well as to fund their management. In different regions, the characteristics and intentions of the felling activities differed. Meanwhile, such fever gave rise to corrupt practices of deceitfully seeking profits which in turn caused numerous disputes and lawsuits, reflecting the confrontation provoked between the state and the people as well as different communities over tradition, ritual, and belief. The investigations of felling temple trees could enrich the understanding of provincial promotion for education in the late Qing period, and that of the social and cultural changes taking place in rural communities in modern times. Translated by Chen Haitian from Sichuan Daxue Xuebao 四川大学学报 (Journal of Sichuan University), 2007, (5): 136–144     

The preliminary transition of the grass-roots government functions in the border areas jiangxi, Fujian, and Guangdong during the first half of the twentieth century

During the first half of the twentieth century, the social administrative functions of the grass-roots governments in the border areas Jiangxi, Fujian and Guangdong provinces showed apparent differences from the traditional government. There appeared a gradual transitional tendency to the modern society in aspects such as the specialization of administrative bodies, the communalization, corporation and trade orientation of the mass organizations, and the social control as well as attaching importance to conducting, serving and constructing the social communal facilities in the social economic context. Consequently, the transformation should be regarded as one of the stages in the progress of the social transition since the Late Qing dynasty. __________ Translated from: Wenshizhe 文史哲 (Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy), No. 1, 2004     

Quarantine sovereignty during the pneumonic plague in Northeast China (November 1910–April 1911)

The pneumonic plague, which spread over Northeast China during the winter of 1910 and the spring of 1911, caused a great many deaths and brought about severe social turmoil. After compulsory quarantine and other epidemic preventative measures were enforced by the Russian and Japanese colonial authorities in both north and south Manchuria, the local government of Northeast China, lacking similar quarantine and epidemic prevention procedures, was under the threat of forced intervention. It had to establish modern public health agencies in a short time following the compulsory quarantine and epidemic prevention methods of the Russian and Japanese colonial authorities, although they caused many social conflicts and confrontations. In this respect, the quarantine and epidemic prevention measures that were implemented at that time can never be simply and absolutely labeled as “progressive.” However, a “sympathetic understanding” can be upheld for the sufferings of the common people, for the various unpleasant but necessary measures taken by the Chinese government in order to safeguard sovereignty and prevent Russian and Japanese intervention, and also for the transformation of public health systems later carried out because of lessons learned from this painful experience.     

Behind the form: A historical analysis of the agriculture encouragement system in the Song dynasty

Using the political culture analysis method, this paper discusses the origin, contents and functions of the agriculture encouragement system of the Song dynasty, which originated from the pre-Qin period (221–207 BC). The main content of this system in its early stage is that in the early Spring days, the king symbolically ploughed a piece of land near the suburbs of his capital in order to send to his subjects a clear message of the importance he attached to agriculture. It was expected that peasants would be encouraged by his majesty’s guidance, and thus agricultural production of the countryside would be promoted. With the rationalization of the political system since the Qin period, agricultural encouragement gradually became a routine work of the Chinese governments at different levels. Under the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127), “agricultural encouragement envoy” was added to the official rank of heads of counties and prefectures. They each were required to take the responsibility of persuading peasants in their jurisdiction to work harder in the field. The actual work as an “agricultural encouragement envoy” in the Song dynasty was to go to the countryside to reward peasants with food and wine in early February, and to write an essay to express his encouragement, and to distribute it to the peasants. Formalistic as it is, the agricultural encouragement system is a typical manifestation of the traditional Chinese political culture. As one of its social impacts on the Song society, it helped the spread of advanced agricultural technology with its institutional basis. __________ Translated from: Zhejiang Daxue Xuebao, Renwen Shehui Kexue Ban 浙江大学学报: 人文社会科学版 (Journal of Zhejiang University, Humanities and Social Science), No. 1, 2004