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1.
希特勒上台后,德国进一步暴露了要同其它西方大国争霸和重新夺取殖民地的野心,越来越明显地成为同英法争夺欧洲霸权的主要对手。但是,在30年代中期以前,英国仍继续其在20年代推行的“扶德抑法”政策,企图通过制造法德之间的“均势”和对抗谋求自己对欧洲事务的支配权。30年代中期后,迫于德国威胁进一步增大的压力,英国不得不停止“扶德抑法”,开始拉着法国对德国实行有限度的绥靖政策,以维护其在世界范围内的霸权地位。在欧洲战争爆发前夕,它又大搞祸水东引,企图利用苏德战争坐收渔人之利。  相似文献   

2.
第一次世界大战是帝国主义政治经济发展不平衡的产物,是列强重分殖民地、夺取世界霸权的帝国主义战争。后起的德帝国主义和其他的帝国主义国家一样,为了在这场战争中“削弱敌方,摧毁敌方的霸权”,战前疯狂备战,推行实力政策,在战略战术上大作文章。“施里芬计划”就是这一历史前提的产物。一阿尔弗雷德·冯·施里芬伯爵(1833—1913年),是德国著名的资产阶级军事家。他出身在普  相似文献   

3.
门户开放政策是19世纪末以英、美为首的西方列强在中国和非洲等半殖民地实行的外交政策,最早是由英国针对俄国提出并推行的,其根本目的是扼制俄、法等国对中国的瓜分,同时以和平方式维持本国在华贸易优势。然而,英国在推行该政策时"执法犯法",最终只能将其转手于美国。  相似文献   

4.
在英国近代史上,"孤立主义"是其对欧洲大陆长期奉行的一项外交政策。从17世纪欧洲三十年战争结束之后到一战前英法俄三国同盟建立之前,英国一直致力于运用"孤立主义"外交政策来维持欧洲大陆的均势状态,以确保自身的安全和国家利益的最大化。英国"孤立主义"外交政策的推行有其时代的合理性与必要性,但同时也存在大国强权政治的野蛮性与霸权性。本文着重就英国"孤立主义"外交政策的出台、实施、影响等方面进行分析,通过对这些方面的探讨,对当下我国外交政策的发展方面提供一些理论性的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

5.
赵欣 《史学集刊》2017,(1):59-68
门户开放政策是19世纪末以英、美为首的西方列强在中国和非洲等半殖民地实行的外交政策,最早是由英国针对俄国提出并推行的,其根本目的是扼制俄、法等国对中国的瓜分,同时以和平方式维持本国在华贸易优势。然而,英国在推行该政策时"执法犯法",最终只能将其转手于美国。  相似文献   

6.
对1850年代美国打开日本关闭了两百多年的市场这一重要历史事件原因的探讨,已有的成果只限于一个原因,即美国因素本身。史实表明,其原因主要有两个方面:一是俄国因为克里米亚战争的牵制和英国由于中国市场的吸引而妨碍了它们对日本的门户封闭首先成功地采取行动;二是美国在西北太平洋地区的殖民经济利益使它打开日本市场的精神执著,而打开日本市场与它在中国的殖民经济利益是完全一致的,同时美国充分利用了克里米亚战争的时机和鸦片战争的影响等国际因素。因此,是美国而不是俄国或英国结束了日本闭关锁国的历史,将幕府统治的日本推向了半殖民地的边缘。  相似文献   

7.
外国列强在第一次鸦片战争后的晚清中国推行了一种“绝对责任”制度,用“炮舰外交”迫使清政府对外国人在“排外”争端中所遭受的损失和伤害进行赔偿并严惩涉事中国人和案发地区的官员,而并非照国际法惯例或中外法规来判定中方人员是否应被如此惩处。这种政策和西方国家在殖民地实施军事管制法和现代国家实施“紧急权力法”等现象在法理和政治哲学上有紧密联系,其理论核心就是将中国作为一个法治和程序正义的“例外之地”。列强最终借1901年《辛丑条约》将这种政策变成有法律效力的国际条约。本文通过考察这个此前极少被学界关注的重要现象及其历史成因和国际背景,来剖析相关的霸权政治和殖民实践的运作逻辑。  相似文献   

8.
张文广 《沧桑》2014,(5):37-40
克里米亚汗国与俄罗斯关系的演变经历了以下几个阶段:双方结盟灭亡金帐汗国,削弱立陶宛公国;双方争夺金帐汗国的遗产;克里米亚汗国乘立窝尼亚战争之机进攻俄国;克里米亚汗国协助奥斯曼帝国与俄国争夺乌克兰;克里米亚汗国协助奥斯曼帝国,在北方大战中进攻俄国;俄罗斯吞并克里米亚汗国。  相似文献   

9.
克里木(现译克里米亚)战争(1853——1856)是沙俄欧洲扩张道路上同欧洲同盟的一次严重较量,是它第一次以失败者身分在欧洲和会上接受制裁,标志着沙皇俄国国际地位上的一个转折点。本文试图从国际关系方面对这次战争作一剖析。国际关系上的一个奇特现象十四、十五世纪,欧洲的英国和法国的农奴制已经开始瓦解,而俄国的农奴制还正在兴起;十七、十八世纪,英国和法国已先后爆发了资产阶级革命摧毁了封建桎梏,资  相似文献   

10.
"满铁"的第一个面子工程1904年2月—1905年9月,日本与沙皇俄国在我国东北的土地上进行了一场争夺殖民地利益的战争。根据《朴茨茅斯和约》,失败后的沙皇俄国将由其建设管辖的中东铁路长春至旅顺段(即南满部分)拱手转让给了日本。作为战胜国的日本由于庞大的战争开支,也使本来就不充裕的财政捉襟见肘,欧美列强对其是否有能力经营好南满铁路及其  相似文献   

11.
20世纪前半期英美两国总体保持了合作关系,但在霸权争持矛盾的作用下,两国在世界秩序塑造、海上权势分配、战时战略规划、殖民地与势力范围归属以及经贸竞争等一系列问题上发生过激烈冲突。然而,实力上的巨大差距、国际体系的变迁、战争的冲击以及美国渐进并相对克制的崛起方式等因素迫使英国且战且退,于二战后不久完成了向美国转移世界霸权的进程。  相似文献   

12.
从冲突到和解:近代英美关系考察   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近代是英美关系发展变迁的重要历史时期,在一个多世纪的时间里英美由战争、冲突逐步走向了接近与和解。在此过程中,国际体系及其变更、地缘政治、心理要素与文化制度的认同、新兴强国崛起和国家战略调整等诸多因素共同起到了重要的作用。作为英美历史性接近的结果,到19世纪末,英国启动了向美国“转让”世界霸权的进程。就深远影响来看,它还使美国开始更多地卷入欧洲事务和世界事务,并促成了20世纪国际关系中另一项重大事态的出现——美国世界霸权的逐步确立。  相似文献   

13.
The present paper surveys the discussions conducted by official statisticians regarding the ideal structure according to which a national data collection system should have been designed if it was to meet the challenges put up by the various transformation Western countries have undergone since the beginning of the 19th century. Arguments in favour of coordination, centralization, or decentralization have emerged for the first time in 1832 Britain, when the Statistical Bureau of the Board of Trade was created. Up to 1945, this debate went on, the industrial take-off, the economic crises, and the world wars all being occasions for its protagonists to put forward their preferred view. The perspective we take here is original in two respects: on the one hand, instead of confining ourselves to the major statistical systems (those of France, Britain, and the USA), we intend to evoke a large number of cases and, from this comparative standpoint, propose a general account of the drive towards centralization; on the other hand, instead of restraining our-selves to the 19th century, we cover the entire time-frame extending from 1800 to 1945.  相似文献   

14.
18世纪欧洲的古史研究继承了文艺复兴的遗产,在文献搜集和整理、史实考订、考古学和碑铭学等领域都取得了一定的进展。法国和英国学者在此基础上,撰写了一批多卷本、大部头的古代史、希腊史和罗马史著作。虽然这些著述的质量无法与19世纪专业史学的成果相比,但它们为19世纪的讨论设定了问题的框架,提出了众多值得重视的看法。学者们经世致用的精神,为后世树立了良好榜样,对当时实际的政治生活和思想发展都产生了一定影响。  相似文献   

15.
Alongside military conquest which characterized great part of globalization during the 19th century, the globalization of markets no doubt was its main manifestation. Addictive consumption goods played a leading role during this process, as observed in the case of China, tea and the opium trade had the largest impact. Owing to the importance of Britain’s growing demand for tea and its concomitant tax revenue, Anglo-Chinese trade became the dominant trade that Britain had in the East. To make up the trade deficit with China, Britain took advantage of its Indian colony and did its best in expanding its opium trade. Within this triangular trade scheme, Britain was the master, India was the instrument, and China was the ultimate victim. Confronted by the irresistible trend of globalization, China was ill prepared when facing this challenge leading to a complete failure in both military and commercial warfare and later on to an overall crisis in the 19th century.  相似文献   

16.
Why did Napoleon sell Louisiana to the United States? Unfortunately, he left very few written traces of his Louisiana policy and, therefore, historians disagree. Their explanations tend to emphasise one of three factors: the diplomacy of President Thomas Jefferson; France's coming war with Britain; or the impact of the black rebels of the French colony of Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti). The most heated disagreements revolve around the differing assessments of the role played by Jefferson. This article argues that Jefferson played no role in Napoleon's decision to sell the colony. It acknowledges that the British were crucial, because war with Britain meant that Louisiana would be lost to France. But why was Louisiana undefended? The troops Napoleon wanted to send there never arrived. They went instead to Haiti. And they remained there. If black resistance in Haiti had collapsed quickly, as Napoleon expected, there would have been thousands of French soldiers in Louisiana by the spring of 1803, when the French war with Britain began. By defeating Napoleon, the men whom Jefferson deemed ‘cannibals’ made it possible for him to acquire Louisiana and achieve what an eminent US historian has called his ‘greatest triumph’.  相似文献   

17.
We present the results of geochemical analysis of silver coinage issued by Rome and dated between the fourth and second century BCE, which are complemented by data of coinage issued by Carthage, the Brettii, and the Greek colony of Emporion. Each of these minting authorities represents one of the major parties involved in the struggle for hegemony in the fourth to second centuries BCE Western Mediterranean region. This study retraces how the metal supply shifts in response to the transforming power relations and how this change is related to Rome's rise to the virtually uncontested ruler of the region.  相似文献   

18.
《War & society》2013,32(3):162-186
Abstract

This article argues that we should view Britain as fighting a ‘Seventy Years War’ with France between the battles of Fontenoy in 1745 and Waterloo in 1815. Through years of hot and cold war, Britain struggled to build the military power needed to prevent it from falling under the domination of France. In hindsight, many view the British as inevitable imperialists, confidently building towards their global empire of the nineteenth century. In reality, eighteenth-century Britons frequently fretted about the threat of invasion, military weakness, possible financial collapse, and potential revolution. Historical developments only look inevitable in hindsight and with the aid of the social sciences. The struggle to defend itself in Europe during the Seventy Years War saw Britain develop a ‘fiscal-naval state’ that built a global empire.  相似文献   

19.
伴随着社会经济领域中的深刻变化,政治民主化逐渐成为19世纪英国历史的主旋律。英国的民主化进程不仅在议会改革中体现出来,而且也在城市政府改革中体现出来。英国19世纪的大众民主是在城市率先发展,并普及推广开来的。城市在此充当了大众基层民主的摇篮和发源地。以纳税人资格确定投票权,体现了权利与义务相统一的观念,摒弃了议会选举中的财产资格条件,这是向现代民主制方向发展的一个重要举措,也是一个历史进步。  相似文献   

20.
李龙 《史学集刊》2005,(1):106-112
18世纪晚期,美国为维护海上权益与地缘安全,加剧了与英法之间的矛盾。美国在《杰伊条约》中对英国的让步,换取到美英之间十年的和睦,却导致美法关系紧张,美国与法国从同盟走向准战争状态。最终美法危机得以和平解决,但这场准战争深深影响了美国早期的内政和外交。  相似文献   

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