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1989年四川省文物考古研究所对广汉市三星堆遗址、甘孜丹巴县中路遗址、阆中县坪上遗址、什邡县城关船棺葬墓群进行了考古发掘工作,现将主要收获分述于后。三星堆遗址工作站对东城墙和南城墙进行了发掘,共开探方80个,发掘面积400平方米。东城墙厚约47米,由主城墙,内侧墙和外侧墙三大部分组成。内侧墙和外侧墙和外侧墙又分别由两部分组成。其筑法,除主城墙为平行夯筑外,其它部分均为斜行夯筑。夯层清楚,夯面结实光滑。夯面上能见用园木棒拍打的痕迹。在城墙顶部还发现六 相似文献
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正定城墙南门系统工程为正定城墙整体保护工作的一期工程。在对正定南门瓮城南城台实施保护维修的过程中,于现存遗址下发现早期遗存,遂与考古部门紧密合作,对瓮城城墙和南城台基址进行考古勘探,确定瓮城城墙基址年代上限不早于元代,其始建年代为元代中晚期,南城台年代不早于元末,大致年代为元末明初。为了更好地保护和合理利用这一新的文物价值,根据遗存现状和考古勘查结果,最终将原设计方案的原形制恢复城台改为建设城墙博物馆。 相似文献
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2008年和2009年,山西省考古所等对山西右玉汉中陵故城进行了考古钻探、调查和发掘,了解了城墙、马面、瓮城、护城河的概况。在西城内探出一条南北向道路和部分夯土建筑基址,并发现了十几座窑址和部分灰坑。东城内也发现少量夯土建筑基址、窑址和灰坑。城内采集到了瓦当、砖、瓦等建筑材料和陶片。 相似文献
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内蒙古清水河县后城咀龙山时代石城是迄今为止内蒙古中南部地区发现的等级最高、规模最大的史前时期石城址。2019~2020年,内蒙古自治区文物考古研究院组队对石城瓮城部分进行整体揭露,基本辨明了其由主城城垣、城门、马面、瓮城城垣、壕沟、瓮城通道及两侧墩台、瓮城内建筑台基组成的建筑形态、营建顺序与布局特征,各建筑层位、堆积内出土的永兴店文化时期遗物文化内涵单纯、时代特征单一,为深入研究河套地区龙山时代石城城防体系布局建设及区域社会复杂化进程提供了崭新材料。 相似文献
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肖家地古城遗址(即晋昌郡城址)有东、西两城,相距百米。西城遗址距东城50米,底基平面呈长方形,东西长140米,南北宽100米,分布面积14000平方米。城墙底宽5~8米,顶宽1~3米,残高3~8米,夯土版筑,夯层厚14~16厘米。南侧正中开一城门,门宽9米;北墙外侧有二马面,长7米,宽2米,高4~5米。城墙四周挖有护城壕,宽8米,深2米。据孙修身先生考证研究,该城是西晋—唐时期的晋昌郡治所民居城址,是通往西域的交通和军事要地,具有重要的文物考古研究价值。1993年,肖家地西城遗址被甘肃省人民政府公布为省 相似文献
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内蒙古岔河口遗址考古新发现 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
1998年春夏之际,内蒙古文化厅所属内蒙古文物考古研究所,在配合黄河万家寨水利枢纽工程的考古发掘中,对清水河县境内黄河与浑河交汇处的岔河口新石器时代遗址进行抢救性清理,获得了令人震惊的考古新发现。在一条深四米、宽八米、直径为245米的围壕遗址中,发掘... 相似文献
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一."层累地造成的中国古史"的辩证上世纪20年代古史辨派兴起,对中国的古史进行了全面的整理,对古史尤其是上古史给予否定,其最为重要的论点认为上古史是"层累地造成的",是"伪造的古史系统","三皇五帝"时代也被完全推翻。近年来随着考古学和历史学的发展, 相似文献
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Ronit Lentin 《Irish Studies Review》2016,24(1):21-34
AbstractIn 2014 residents in Direct Provision Centres for asylum seekers staged a series of protests. The protests, which coincided with the appointment of a new Minister for Justice who announced the Irish government’s plans to reform the asylum system, voiced three clear demands. Firstly, the protestors demanded that all asylum centres be closed; secondly, they demanded that all residents be given the right to remain and work in Ireland; and thirdly, they demanded an end to all deportations. The government’s response to these protests was to appoint a working group in October 2014, made up of representatives of migrant-support NGOs (but without any significant representation of asylum seekers themselves) while also announcing that it intends to reform rather than abolish the system.Against this background, this paper makes three interlinked theoretical propositions. Firstly, I propose that just as the Irish state and society managed to ignore workhouses, mental health asylums, “mother and baby homes”, Magdalene laundries and industrial schools, they also “manage not to know” of the plight of asylum seekers, precisely because the Direct Provision system isolates asylum applicants, makes them dependent on bed and board and a small “residual income maintenance payment to cover personal requisites”, and makes it difficult for them to organise on a national level. “Managing not to know”, or disavowing, entails the erasure of the Direct Provision system from Ireland’s collective consciousness at a time when increasing emigration is returning to haunt Irish society after years of refusing to confront the pain of emigration. I argue that asylum seekers represent the return of Ireland’s repressed that confronts Irish people, themselves e/migrants par excellence. Secondly, I propose that by taking action and representing themselves, the residents of Direct Provision Centres can no longer be theorised as Agamben’s “bare life”, at the mercy of sovereign power, to whom everything is done and who are therefore not considered active agents in their own right. The third proposition responds to the theme of this special issue, that multiculturalism is “in crisis”, arguing in the conclusion that this “crisis” hardly applies to Ireland, where the brief flirtations with “interculturalism” by state, society but also Irish studies disavow race and racism in favour of a returning obsession with emigration, which enables the continued disavowal of the experiences of asylum seekers in Direct Provision. 相似文献
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Thomas Duddy 《European Legacy》2007,12(3):357-359