伊朗总统亮出核谈判底牌

最高领袖哈梅内伊对鲁哈尼纽约之行的评价有褒有贬刚坐上总统之位一个多月的伊朗总统鲁哈尼,9月下旬出席第六十八届联大并发表演讲、投书当地报纸,还与美国总统奥巴马互动交流,传递外交善意。国际社会对鲁哈尼的一系列"温和外交"举动给予了积极评价,称他为伊朗在国际上赢得了理解,有助于缓和伊朗同西方国家的关系。当然,鲁哈尼对西方温和的新外交策略,也引起了伊朗国内外的一些质疑和争议。     

1983年大韩航空空难事件与里根政府的对苏政治竞争策略

1983年大韩航空空难是冷战后期发生的一场危机事件。在里根政府对苏新遏制战略和新冷战的背景下,美国决心利用该事件对苏联展开政治攻击。美国国家安全与外交决策机构进行了精心策划,从舆论宣传、双边制裁、联合盟友、操纵国际议程四个方面采取了一系列措施。美国在这一事件中的强硬姿态和行动增加了苏联对美国核突然袭击的战争恐慌,进一步恶化了美苏关系,助推了东西方高度紧张的政治局势,与“星球大战”计划、“优秀射手83”军演等行动一起导致1983年成为冷战最激烈的年份之一。但空难也客观上推动了国际民航安全领域的合作。     

“不怕鬼，不信邪”——亲历新时期外交最艰难的一段时期

钱其琛同志在《外交十记》一书中写道,在他担任外长的十年期间,“中国外交所经历的最艰难的时期,莫过于上世纪80年代末到90年代初的那段时间”。而笔者恰恰正是在那段时间,担任了两年半的外交部礼宾司司长。从1989年6月5日至7月中,美国、日本、欧共体和西方七国首脑会议相继发表声明,宣布对中国进行制裁,中止双方领导层的互访。一些西方国家领导人宣布取消或推迟原定的对华访问。霎时间,乌云翻滚,颇有“黑云压城城欲摧”之势。中国外交面临严峻考验。     

朴槿惠赏识的军情三巨头

他们都当过韩美联合司令部的副司令,对朝态度强硬被联合国新一轮制裁决议所激怒的朝鲜,接连放出狠话,朝鲜半岛局势更趋紧张。此时,韩国总统朴槿惠正在组建的新外交安保班底也越发引人关注。韩国媒体用"武人天下"来形容这个班底,在国家安保室长、国家情报院长、国防部长、外交部长、统一部长、外交安保首席秘书等"六大政府要员"的提名人中,前3人都曾任韩美联合司令部副司令。军人出身,成为朴槿惠政府外交安保阵容的显著特征。     

涉台外交政策演变过程及其特点和主要影响因素(1949～2007)

1949～2007年,中国涉台外交政策可以分为四个时期:1949～1971年,争取打破国际封锁、孤立,削弱军事包围和遏制是中国整体外交工作的基本目标和任务,涉台外交工作是中国外交工作的重要组成部分;1972～1978年,在与西方国家的建交谈判中,能否按中方要求处理台湾问题是谈判顺利进行     

缅甸中立外交的缘起(1948—1955)

1948—1950年,缅甸口头上宣称中立主义,实际上却推行亲西方的外交政策。朝鲜战争爆发后,吴努政府很快意识到结盟对自身国家安全的危害,而此前与英美两国的接触亦让缅甸体察到了西方世界的"不可靠"及其通过援助干涉缅甸内政的可能性。于是,缅甸决定初步尝试在东西方之间保持平衡。1953年下半年,中苏两国对外政策的调整、美国对李弥部队的暗中支持、西方援助的拖延迟缓和缅甸大米的明显滞销共同促使吴努政府主动改善同社会主义国家的关系,进而将中立主义作为缅甸外交的根本原则。总体而言,外部环境的变动是促使缅甸选择中立外交的主导力量。缅甸的外交转向绝非个案。面对愈演愈烈的东西方冷战与结盟已经或可能带来的诸多负面影响,20世纪五六十年代在对外交往中避免按照意识形态划线和不结盟最终成为诸多新兴民族独立国家的共同选择。     

论和平共处五项原则在当代中国外交中的作用与意义

和平共处五项原则是新中国建国伊始中国共产党面对复杂严峻的国际环境在外交上所进行的重要实践。第二次世界大战后,国际格局发生了根本的变化,逐渐形成分别以美国、苏联为核心的两大国家阵营对峙的局面。国家利益与意识形态的冲突使得阵营间的对立不断加强,并严重制约了国家间正常关系的建立与发展。彼时,中国作为亚洲新兴的社会主义国家,亟须获得国际承认,与世界其他国家发展建立外交关系以融入世界体系。     

钱其琛谈:我任外长所经历的最艰难时期

在我担任外长十年期间,中国外交所经历的最艰难的时期,莫过于上世纪80年代末到90年代初的那段时间。那时,国际风云突变,西方各国政府纷纷宣布制裁中国,各种政治势力出于各种目的,也在世界上掀起了阵阵反华浪潮。从1989年6月5日至7月15日,短短的一个多月里,美国、日本、欧共体和西方七国首脑会议相继发表声明,中止与中国领导层的互访,停止向中国军售和商业性武器出口,推迟国际金融机构向中国提供新的贷款。一时电闪雷鸣,乌云翻滚,颇有"黑云压城城欲摧"的味道。在邓小平同志的直接领导下,我们敢于斗争,又善于应对,很快打破了西方的种种制裁,遏制了反华浪潮。历史证明,中国的长城,坚不可摧。     

20世纪50年代前期新中国对美斗争的策略演变

<正>中华人民共和国成立前,中国共产党明确向国际社会宣布实行向苏联"一边倒"的外交战略,中美关系也由此走向了全面对抗的道路。朝鲜停战后,随着国内大规模工业化建设和社会主义改造逐步展开,中国迫切需要创造一个有利的国际环境和周边环境。而以美国为代表的西方敌对阵营却加强了对     

抗战时期朱学范出席国际劳工大会相关文电一组

全面抗战爆发后,国民政府积极通过外交手段寻求国际援助。为广泛宣扬我国抗战努力,揭露日本侵略野心,引起国际社会关注并争取尽可能之援助,国民政府主动参与到国际劳工界活动,以呼吁国际劳工界对日制裁,援助中国。本组材料为中国劳工代表朱学范出席第二十四届、二十五届国际劳工大会期间的相关函电,反映了此一期间中国参与国际劳工界活动的概况及中国代表为争取外援所做之努力。     

The symbolic purposes of sanctions: Australian and Canadian reactions to Afghanistan

Academic and political debates about international sanctions tend to focus on the instrumental purposes of these measures—their ability to hurt a target state sufficiently to cause it to change its behaviour. By contrast, the symbolic purposes of sanctions are commonly assumed not to be as important. Such assumptions are appropriate for states which have the capabilities necessary to achieve these ends—great powers or regional powers targetting very weak neighbours, for example. But are these assumptions useful in explaining the sanctions policies of non‐great powers, particularly those which impose sanctions against great powers? This paper explores the case of Australian and Canadian sanctions against the USSR after the invasion of Afghanistan and demonstrates the fallacy of such assumptions, and argues that symbolic purposes were much more important than the instrumental utilities normally associated with sanctions theory.     

对近代大国崛起的再思考

国家崛起涉及政治、经济、科技、文化以及国际关系等诸多条件,其中经济是基础,科技是关键,政治是推动力;欧美国家在科技革命、制度创新和思想观念方面实现了创造性的转换,正是由于这些天时、地利、人和的有利优势,才率先实现了国家繁荣与富强。近代欧美大国实现这一历史性转变,其经验有可借鉴之处。     

新中国与意大利关系正常化的历史考察

新中国成立后20多年,一直没有与意大利建立外交关系。直至1969年初,中意两国关系正常化才迎来了转机,其原因主要是:中苏两国从结盟走向对抗、西方大国纷纷调整对华政策、意大利国内左翼政党力主承认新中国以及中意经贸发展的驱动。从1969年2月至1970年10月,中意两国围绕建交问题进行了长达22个月的谈判,最终于1970年11月6日签署联合公报。中意关系正常化掀开了两国关系的新篇章,标志着以美国为首的西方阵营孤立新中国的政策开始破产。     

可持续的国际领导权:来自968-1885年中越关系的经验教训

后冷战时代的重大挑战是世界秩序的可持续性 ,这种世界秩序并非建立在大国竞争基础之上 ,西方国际关系理论尚没有做好应对这一挑战的准备。笔者利用长达九个世纪的中国与法国殖民主义前独立的越南双边关系的实例 ,回顾了中国对于可持续的单极领导权的经验。认为这种持续不变的非对称关系不是征服和控制的结果 ,而是一种角色模式的演变。在这个模式中 ,双方都理智地确信其切身利益并没有受到威胁 ,维持这种关系对于双方而言都具有普遍的益处。基于角色的非对称关系既有弱点也有长处 ,虽然它不能被直接应用于现代 ,但它揭示出有关处理非对称国际关系的一般性经验教训。     

How Turkey’s democratic backsliding compromises the international dimension of democratization

Previous research suggests that linkage to the West can have a strong democratizing influence on transitioning states. Yet, Western linkage and leverage lost much of their democratizing force by the early twenty‐first century. Turkey's political trajectory over the last decade furnishes a representative case study of the waning power of the West as an anchor for democratization in high‐linkage countries. Despite Turkey's robust ties to the West, competitive authoritarianism has been further entrenched and signs of a drift toward full‐fledged authoritarianism emerged since the failed coup of July 2016. We argue that in a context where the European Union and the United States’ willingness to support democracy declined considerably the AKP’s distancing from the West in foreign policy and balancing the Western powers with its new economic and political relations with autocratic regimes have served to stifle the democratizing pressure of Western linkage by lowering the cost of autocratic behavior for the AKP government and facilitating Turkey's illiberal turn.     

Constructing Sovereignty in Nineteenth-Century China: the Negotiation of Reciprocity in the Sino-Spanish Treaty of 1864

Since the Republican era, the unequal treaties that China was forced to sign became the basis for the articulation of a narrative of humiliation that has continued to the present day. These treaties, which represented a threat to Chinese sovereignty and were a display of the might of Western powers, have several features in common: they imposed extraterritoriality; included the most-favoured-nation clause; and fixed indemnities or disproportionate concessions. However, the Sino-Spanish Treaty of 1864 was to a certain extent unusual, as it not only guaranteed privileges to Chinese merchants and citizens visiting the Spanish colony of the Philippines, but even went as far as to grant China a most-favoured-nation clause. Through a comparative analysis of the 1864 Sino-Spanish Treaty and the circumstances under which it was negotiated, this article will argue that far from simply being an exception that proves the rule, this treaty offers a glimpse into the need for a more flexible and wider narrative surrounding mid-nineteenth-century China international relations. In an attempt to contribute to the dereification of the West and a better understanding of Chinese agency in the mid-nineteenth century, this narrative needs to be more inclusive of the peripheral powers.     

Sanctions and tourism: effects,complexities and research

Abstract

Despite the growing use of sanctions as a post-Cold War foreign policy instrument, there is limited research on sanctions in a tourism context despite their substantial impact on destinations and tourist flows. Although there is significant research on sanctions in political science, international relations, economics, and public policy, very few studies explicitly examine the effect of sanctions on tourism. This study therefore examines the intricate geopolitical relationship between sanctions and tourism via a scoping review of relevant literature. Each of the four main types of sanctions that were identified: financial, sectoral, diplomatic and individual, have different implications for tourism at various scales. The findings show that tourism is profoundly affected by sanctions impacting tourism and hospitality businesses and destination image, severely restricting international travel, and disrupting financial investment and supply chains. More comprehensive sanctions may lead to substantial economic and personal hardship in destinations as well as indirect effects including decline in the value of currency and inflationary pressures. Nevertheless, despite the development of smart and targeted sanctions they rarely affect the coercive capacity of the targeted government and induce political behavioural change. Resistive economies can develop in response to sanctions in which domestic tourism assumes greater significance as a result of reductions in international mobility. Some destinations facing sanctions also focus on specific international markets from non-sanctioning countries as well as a country’s diaspora. Overall, the study of sanctions deepens knowledge of the interrelationships between geopolitics, foreign policy and tourism and its ramifications for destinations. Significant gaps in knowledge for future research include the role of domestic politics in influencing sanctions policy, the selection of tourism as a specific target for sanctions, and the development of destination adaptation strategies to sanctions.     

蒙古国地缘特性及其国际关系

在国际关系格局中,从力量和影响来看,蒙古不是一个十分有地位的国家。然而,由于蒙古国的地缘政治位置的特殊性,在大国战略关系中,蒙古就象一个砝码,它能使亚太战略结构的天平产生倾斜。蒙古对中国、俄罗斯、美国、日本等大国均有重大战略价值,它的对外政策取向将对这些大国之间构成的复杂的战略关系产生深刻影响。同时,蒙古处于有关大国之间形成的地缘政治结构中,蒙古的国家战略和对外关系受到大国关系的严重制约,具有清晰的地缘政治特点与模式。     

‘Those European Chicken Littles’: Reagan,NATO, and the Polish Crisis, 1981–2

This article focuses on transatlantic relations in the run-up to and aftermath of the imposition of Martial Law in Poland in December 1981. Through an analysis of British, US, German, and NATO sources, this article highlights the fundamental differences and consequent disagreements that occurred between the Reagan administration and its European allies in 1981–2. It argues that these divergences originated from economic considerations, from a fundamentally discrepant conception of détente on the two sides of the Atlantic, and from the Reagan administration's mismanagement of the crisis. Not only did Reagan disregard NATO's contingency plans dating from 1980 and did not consult the allies, he also designed US sanctions specifically to dash a joint agreement between the Europeans and the Soviet Union for the construction of a pipeline that was to deliver Siberian gas into Western Europe.     

Introduction: The International Politics of Resources

Abstract

China, Japan and Korea’s international relations are shaped by the fact that all three are significant importers of resources. This Introduction proposes two conceptual frameworks for understanding the politics that is taken up in the papers of this Special Issue. The first is to consider the extent to which there is an East Asian model of resource procurement. We find that there are some similarities in the approaches taken by all three countries; for example, their development assistance shares a focus on infrastructure building and a reticence to purposefully influence domestic politics. There are, however, also significant differences due in large part to the individual nature of the states as international actors. The second conceptual framework is the broad contemporary theme of the end of Western dominance of the world order. The main way this affects the international politics of resources in Northeast Asia is through the belief that the activities of those countries are threatening in some way. In some cases Northeast Asian approaches to resources are seen as a problem because they are not sufficiently liberal, whereas in others the problem is that Northeast Asian powers are seen as replacing Western powers in exploiting resource-rich developing countries.