Where the violence happened matters. Geopolitical framing and assessments of collective responsibility for historical violence.

Mass violence always takes place in a particular geopolitical context, and how that context is understood influences perceptions of collective responsibility. As international borders shift, often in the wake of war, events that occurred within one geopolitical entity can be understood has having taken place in another. The influence of such geopolitical framing on judgments of collective responsibility remains understudied. Two studies examine how geopolitical frames lead to shifting assessments of collective responsibility for historical mass violence. By depicting historical violence within a particular geopolitical entity (e.g., a country), that entity was perceived as being more responsible for the violence. The studies are set within the contexts of German-occupied Poland and the British occupation of the Indian subcontinent. The ramifications of these findings are discussed for the teaching of history, the commemoration of historical victimhood, and for our understanding of assessments of collective responsibility and geopolitical framing more broadly.     

The practical application of counter‐terrorism legislation in England and Wales: a prosecutor's perspective

This article gives a prosecutor's perspective on the practical application of UK terrorism legislation. It gives an overview of the working relationship between the Counter Terrorism Division's specialist prosecutors, police officers and the intelligence services, in order to outline some of the challenges in investigating and prosecuting terrorism cases, and to inform on prosecutorial decision‐making. It summarizes the main additions and changes to the criminal terrorism legislation over the last decade and gives examples of how some of the key powers and offences have been approached and used by prosecutors. The article deliberately concentrates on the criminal aspects of terrorism legislation and the importance of using due process to prosecute alleged terrorists fairly and proportionately. It describes how prosecutors use a mixture of the ordinary criminal and specialist terrorism laws depending on what is deemed appropriate in any given case. It is not intended to be a critique of the legislation itself or an analysis of what may or may not need to be changed. That is a matter for Parliament; the prosecutor's role is to apply the law not to make it. The article concludes that the criminal justice system is the correct place for terrorism prosecutions to take place and that the UK can continue to retain due process and respect for human rights while seeking properly to protect national security.     

集体土地流转中集体角色的错位与回归

推进集体土地流转,加强农民集体权益保护,需要其代表——集体找准角色定位,发挥积极作用。然而,在实际土地流转中,集体背离了其整体利益代表的角色定位,扮演了土地流转个人利益最大化的促进者和乡（镇）政府利益顺从者的角色,严重的角色错位侵害了集体内其他农民的合法权益。在集体土地流转中,应从乡（镇）政府、农民、集体自身三方面入手,规正集体角色,切实保护农民的权益。     

The responsibility to protect and Australian foreign policy

It is widely recognised that the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), adopted by heads of state and government in 2005, is an important new international principle. Australia has been one of the principle's most significant contributors, with prominent Australians and governments from both sides of politics contributing to its development, emergence, and implementation. This article traces and explains Australia's contribution to RtoP and asks what more it might do to assist in its implementation. It argues that Australia's commitment to RtoP is informed by a synergy of values and interests and has been strengthened by the Rudd government's reengagement with multilateralism. It concludes by calling for the development of a whole-of-government strategy for implementation and by suggesting some policy avenues that might be considered.     

欧盟共同外交与安全政策的困境

欧盟军事一体化似乎已经进入实施阶段,但是,存在着变动的国际形势、美国的态度和欧盟各大国的决心等要素影响其最终的成败。趋于缓和的国际局势降低了欧洲军事一体化的必要性,重新启动的共同安全与防务政策与其说是形势发展的需要,不如说是欧盟领袖加快政策改革的需要。欧盟的全球战略与美国有较大的差异,美国必然反对欧盟的军事独立倾向,美国是欧盟共同防务计划难以逾越的障碍,而欧盟各国如何解决相互之问的分歧决定欧洲军事一体化的最终命运。     

The collective capitalism of Northeast Asia and the limits of orthodox economics

In an effort to offer a more balanced assessment of Northeast Asian political economy than is typically found in the conventional neo‐classical tradition, this paper highlights forms of business collectivism and state‐economy interaction that have, arguably, played an important role in Northeast Asian economic dynamism. Beyond this, there is an account of why mainstream economic analysis has been so one‐sided in its analysis of Northeast Asia. A number of policy implications are also drawn from the analysis.     

The Ethics Minefield: Issues of responsibility in learning and research

Google Glass was deployed in an Urban Studies field course to gather videographic data for team-based student research projects. We evaluate the potential for wearable computing technology such as Glass, in combination with other mobile computing devices, to enhance reflexive research skills, and videography in particular, during field research. The utility as well as the limitations of Google Glass are discussed, including its actual and potential application for teaching and data gathering purposes in the field. As such, this article constitutes one of the first instances of evaluating Google Glass as a social science research tool.     

The limits of responsibility: a postcolonial politics of academic knowledge production

A range of recent debates in geography have considered responsibility and/or critical practice, including the connections between knowledge production, ethics and politics. Taking our cue from these debates, this paper explores the question and limits of responsibility in research across a global North–South divide. Emerging from reflections on our own research projects, we interrogate a central challenge of postcolonial knowledge production by examining two limits to, and constraints upon, responsible knowledge production across the global North–South: abstraction and representation, and learning. First, we argue that the forms of distancing that can inhere in abstraction risk sidestepping the concerns of 'the field' by decontextualising places/constituencies/ideas. This involves considering the representational economies at stake in negotiating slippages of distance or practices of learning. We argue in favour of creative and generative representations that might be produced through more participatory and uncertain practices. Second, we explore an ethical and indirect conception of learning as a basis for alternative modes of engagement with communities and researchers in research practice. In making this argument, we do not offer a kind of formula for responsibility in research nor do we argue simply for research to be more 'relevant'. Instead, and alert to our own positions of privilege, we seek to draw attention to these two limits to responsible praxis in the academic knowledge production process precisely because they can act as important registers for thinking through the politics of conducting research between different and sometimes co-constituting cultures of knowledge production.     

Cultural identity and political responsibility

Abstract

The Cultural Industries Quarter (CIQ) in Sheffield was set up in 1981 as a local government initiative. At the time this was regarded as an extraordinary, either brave or foolish, use of public money. This paper argues that the development of the CIQ over 20 years has been adversely affected by early decisions made before cultural quarters were commonplace. Left-wing politics focusing on job creation and a climate of reliance of public funding encouraged the CIQ to develop according to a particularly narrow model of cultural regeneration. Later, a lack of leadership among the public funders discouraged diversification from this model, while elsewhere cultural quarters embraced a broader mix of social and economic activity, leaving the Sheffield experiment as something of a dinosaur. The paper seeks to analyse what mistakes were made, their effects, and what now can be done to update and enliven the Sheffield Quarter.     

Crime,collective action and development

Starting from a definition of criminal activity for economic purposes broader than the criminological concept of economic crime, and from an assessment of its empirical importance, the article considers: 1) the relationship between criminal behaviour and economic behaviour, on the hypothesis that criminal activity can in large part be viewed as a component of the broader category of economic activity;the negative effects of crime on the performance of markets and economic systems; The basic hypothesis is that when the social damage caused by crime is assessed, and consequently when the suitability and extent of punitive action is evaluated, the costs/benefits analysis must be extended to include the structural repercussions of crime on collective action and on the supply of public goods. This signifies that a substantial part of the harmful effects of crime affects the long-term competitiveness of local areas or systems, in particular by acting on the so-called non-material production factors, such as human capital, social capital and entrepreneurship. This consequence is particularly serious where the organized crime is able to exert control over a given territory and influence its patterns of development.