A SANCTUARY IN POST-CONFLICT SPACE: THE BAPTIST CHURCH AS A 'MIDDLE OPTION' IN BANOVINA, CROATIA

One of the observable aspects of social change during the transition period in most post-socialist countries is the revival of religion. The resurgence of churches has accompanied national revival and in some countries it is also connected to a growing post-socialist nationalism. This article focuses on the development of different –'transnational'– religious options in an area of ethnic conflict by presenting a case study of the post-war growth of the Baptist Church in the Banovina region in Croatia, close to the Bosnian border. Research results are based on halfstructured interviews with church representatives and members.
The research shows that there has been a considerable post-war expansion of the Baptist Church in the Banovina region, and that it is mainly ethnic Serbs and people from mixed marriages who have joined the Church. Many of them have a background as communists. For them, neither the Catholic Church, which is regarded as a Croatian church, nor the Serbian Orthodox Church are viable religious options. Instead, there are three factors that make the 'Baptist option' attractive. First, it is grounded in the historical tradition of the Baptist Church in this region and on memories and myths activated in the war and post-war periods. Second, the Baptist Church has made a middle transnational option available in an ethnically mixed area. As such it attracts those who are searching for a niche of neutrality in an ethnically strongly divided region characterized by conflict. Third, the considerable humanitarian work and help of organizations related to the Baptist Church during and after the war not only added in the eyes of many people in need to its image elements of existential shelter, but also brought the Church out of the shadows and made it more 'visible'– thereby improving its former reputation as an obscure sect.     

The Russian Orthodox Church and ‘Patriotic’ Support for the Stalinist Regime during the Great Patriotic War

Soviet wartime propaganda and contemporary Russian work on the activities of the Orthodox Church during the war promote the Church’s claim that it was motivated by patriotism, a point it used to claim legitimacy in the USSR and now in contemporary Russia. In contrast, this paper argues that the hierarchs and laity of the Patriarchal Church were not essentially motivated by patriotism or the desire to show loyalty to the Soviet regime in 1941, but instead acted to use the war to achieve three goals: first and most important, to become relevant in the everyday life of the Soviet people by promoting Christian beliefs and values; second, to earn legitimacy in the eyes of anti-clerics and non-believers by lending moral and practical support to the war effort; and finally, to obtain legal standing by showing its trustworthiness and loyalty through displays of Russian (not Soviet) patriotism consonant with its historic role, all the while without endorsing communist ideology. The hierarchs orchestrated a campaign from the top down throughout the clerical hierarchy, to achieve the aforementioned goals whilst from below the faithful, independently of the hierarchs, used their local displays of patriotism as leverage to reopen local churches and to force the regime to respect their right to worship. The grassroots response by believers and parish clerics in support of the Church and its wartime activities represents primarily an endorsement of the Church, Christianity, Russian patriotism, and only secondarily, if at all, loyalty to the Stalinist regime.     

Sexism and the celestial gynaeceum — from 500 to 1200

One indirect index of attitudes toward women, as well as their actual position in the medieval Church, can be gained through a collective study of saints' lives. For on one level, membership in the heavenly city reflected the earthly society of the middle ages. Although in theory the Church professed a policy of spiritual egalitarianism, in reality it was much more difficult for women than for men to transcend their sex and enter the ranks of the celestial hierarchy. The rather wide discrepancy in sanctity (approximately 85% of the saints of this period were male), can be explained in part by the exclusion of women from leadership roles in the secular Church hierarchy. However, certain periods were more conducive than others to the making of women saints. Women had a greater prominence, as reflected by their selection as saints, in the initial stages of the various movements of the Church. As the Church became more secure, right- minded and ultimately regularized and reformed, the premature enthusiasm for women waned. A backlash resulted in which women were viewed as liabilities and generally suspect. They were denied opportunities for a prominence in the religious community, a ‘visibility’ upon which sanctity was predicated.     

The pattern of lordship and feudal settlement in Cumbria

One indirect index of attitudes toward women, as well as their actual position in the medieval Church, can be gained through a collective study of saints' lives. For on one level, membership in the heavenly city reflected the earthly society of the middle ages. Although in theory the Church professed a policy of spiritual egalitarianism, in reality it was much more difficult for women than for men to transcend their sex and enter the ranks of the celestial hierarchy. The rather wide discrepancy in sanctity (approximately 85% of the saints of this period were male), can be explained in part by the exclusion of women from leadership roles in the secular Church hierarchy. However, certain periods were more conducive than others to the making of women saints. Women had a greater prominence, as reflected by their selection as saints, in the initial stages of the various movements of the Church. As the Church became more secure, right- minded and ultimately regularized and reformed, the premature enthusiasm for women waned. A backlash resulted in which women were viewed as liabilities and generally suspect. They were denied opportunities for a prominence in the religious community, a ‘visibility’ upon which sanctity was predicated.     

For God,king and country: the personal and the public in the Epitaphium Arsenii

Paschasius Radbertus's Epitaphium Arsenii is a lively and polemical dialogue that takes us straight into the controversies within the court‐connected and competitive elite of the 850s. The latter's membership, ecclesiastical as well as secular, measured each other against the yardstick of public service, and used failure to live up to this as a means of attack. On the one hand, the Epitaphium is a highly personal text, aimed at a restricted audience; on the other, it addresses the shared values of the Carolingian political leadership. This was not a world dominated by ‘the Church’, but one in which many ‘churches’ (monasteries) and their abbots actively participated in the political arena.     

The Self-Understanding of the Congolese Church during War: CENCO in the Grip of the Greatest Modern Humanitarian Crisis

This article analyses how the National Conference of Congolese Catholic Bishops (CENCO) identified its public mission in society as veilleurs et éveilleurs des consciences (custodians and awakeners of consciences). This perception emerged because of external pressures, namely the phenomenon of war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. The argument is developed in four steps. First, I offer a succinct account of the period of war since 1996 and the magnitude of the havoc wreaked on the people of the DRC. Next, I consider the historical background of CENCO. Third, I discuss the organisation and some most important modern bishops of CENCO. Fourth, I analyse how CENCO perceived the role of the Catholic Church in this troubled society and how this acute consciousness emboldened the Congolese Catholic Church to tackle the woes of the deadliest war in recent history. Finally, I draw some implications and address challenges that CENCO faces when it intersects with politics.     

日本加紧谋求安理会常任理事国的动因

冷战结束以后,日本不仅正式地提出了充当联合国安理会常任理事国的申请,而且大大地加强了谋求的力度,从舆论宣传到实际运做,从积累“实绩”到争取选票,无所不用其极,摆出了志在必得、不达目的决不罢休的架势。其主要原因在于,以冷战结束为突出标志,国际社会发生了深刻的变化,日本谋求安理会常任理事国获得了前所未有的主、客观条件：日本的国际政治空间有了显著拓展;日本的政治大国战略目标更加明确;日本在国际事务中积累了可观的“实绩”;国际社会对日本的“理解”和“支持”明显增加;联合国改革问题被提上了日程;国家利益推动了更高的国际地位追求。     

A “Theological Junto”: the 1641 Lords’ subcommittee on religious innovation

Abstract

The 1641 Lords’ sub-committee on religious innovation has never been the focus of a dedicated study, despite its acknowledged significance. This article presents the sub-committee as an attempt to control parliamentary discussion of the Church. Its membership was carefully selected to ensure that it would have an anti-Arminian bias. Its discussions addressed a wide range of doctrinal and liturgical questions. The Conformist members of the sub-committee were attempting to re-assert the Reformed identity of the English Church, and roll back the doctrinal and liturgical developments of the 1630s. However, despite the political crisis, they were not prepared to give much ground to Puritan opinion. The sub-committee therefore illustrates the strength of commitment, even amongst leading Reformed theologians, to the idiosyncratic aspects of the English Church Settlement. It is therefore a significant witness to the development of English Conformist opinion.     

Reactions of the Governments of Nigeria and Biafra to the Role of the Catholic Church in the Nigeria–Biafra War

Abstract

The high incidence of conflict in the world today, and the overwhelming influence of religion on man and his society, have resulted in an increasing engagement of religion in conflict management. However, in spite of its high profile in managing conflict, religion can sometimes form a barrier to conflict resolution. The Nigeria–Biafra war was one of those wars in which religion, as an instrument of conflict management, played a double-edged sword. This paper examines the reaction of the parties to this conflict to the role of the Catholic Church in managing the conflict.

The involvement of the Catholic Church in the Nigeria–Biafra war has ever remained one of the highly controversial themes of this war. While the role played by the church appeared to be a welcome development on the part of the Biafran Government, the Federal Military Government of Nigeria (FMG) was against the church and its activities, particularly its relief programme in Biafra during the war. From the available evidence, the church’s relief services, just like those of the International Committee of the Red Cross, were carried out on both sides of the war. The difference was on the level of dependence on it, as well as the degree of its exploitation by the two parties. In addition to its high dependence on the Caritas airlift, the Biafran Government, in its war of propaganda hinged on religion, was out to exploit every available opportunity provided by the church’s relief programme in Biafra. It therefore made its overtures of ‘friendship’ to the church in Biafra and beyond as it assumed the status of a ‘maligned child’ of the mother church. To the FMG that was out to crush a rebellion, such manipulation of religion, using the platform of the church’s programme of relief in Biafra was more than a frustration of its war effort. Its anger was thus directed against the church both locally and internationally such that the latter, among other things, could achieve little or nothing in terms of conflict resolution, although the relief programme of the church in general saved the Biafran population from a war in which starvation was obviously an instrument.     

Staffing the Front Lines of the Culture War: Constituency Religious Effects on Assignment to the Senate Judiciary Committee

Previous research has debated the presence of a culture war in American politics and the relationship to party polarization, but it has largely missed the connections between the public and institutional actors. I analyze a conspicuous context for the institutional manifestation of culture war politics, the Senate Judiciary Committee. I hypothesize a conditional constituency connection between conservative Christians and committee membership. I find consistent evidence that the percentage of conservative Christian constituents, when interacted with party, affects Judiciary Committee assignment, especially since 1980. This effect remains in the presence of institutional, constituent, and personal controls. These findings lend support for the particularized effects of culture war politics and shed insight into the dynamics of partisan polarization.     

Church and monarch in the Carmen de Hastingae proelio

Widely read as a largely reliable account of Duke William of Normandy's invasion of England in 1066, the Carmen de Hastingae proelio is built around an important and neglected literary theme: God's protection of William's venture, and the sustaining importance for that venture of Holy Church. William's reliance upon, and consequence indebtedness to, the Church, emerges frequently in the poem, informing the structure in a way which can be observed in other texts as well, and illuminating several key passages. The duke's prayers before setting out, his safety in battle, and his treatment of Harold and the English nation after victory, all reflect this theme. The poem thus not only argues the Norman case, but more importantly it reminds the new king - or his successors - of the contribution which God and his Church made to the establishment of the Norman crown in England, and enjoins them to continue to support it in the future. Later instances from the rule of William I of England suggest that, in large measure, he did so.     

The Barony and the Churches of Late Nineteenth Century Glasgow

The Barony Parish Church was one of the most important churches in nineteenth century Scotland partly due to its history, size, and location at the heart of the "second city" of the Empire and its Minister, Norman MacLeod. Its congregation represented every tier of Glasgow society in terms of social class and gender and as such, throws light on the more general debates on religion and society in nineteenth century Britain. When compared with other churches and denominations in Glasgow, it builds a more general picture of church and people in the city. The picture drawn reveals a complex pattern of adherence varying between individuals and families. An over emphasis on secular reasons for church membership ignores the important role of faith in determining patterns of adherence. Family letters, diaries, and journals often reveal a deep-seated faith and critical reflections on the preaching of the Word.     

‘Reckless youth’. Cardinal Maffi and Fascism (1919–31)

The article focuses on Cardinal Pietro Maffi's attitude towards Fascism. As one of the mightiest princes of the Church and a well-known patriot, the Archbishop of Pisa enthusiastically supported the war effort in 1915–18. Concerned by the spread of strikes and social disorders after the victory, he saw Fascism as a bulwark against socialism and tried to make an alliance through celebrations of the ‘heroic’ memory of the Great War together with the Black Shirts. Maffi's strategy seemed to work: with a few exceptions the alliance remained effective and became official with signing of the Lateran Pacts of 1929. Consequently, Cardinal Maffi made a significant contribution to the success of the secular religion of the Fatherland preached by Fascism which shortly after his death in March 1931 would become a major source of tension between the regime and the Church.     

20世纪上半叶东北天主教史的考察——以黑龙江省海伦县海北镇为例

海伦县海北镇自建镇之初至20世纪30年代一直是天主教教会管理的自治村镇,东北沦陷之后逐渐丧失了自治权,教会利益也受到威胁。在这种情况下,海北镇天主教教会秉承罗马教廷的旨意,采取与日本殖民主义者合作的政策。虽然教会得以存续下去,但却沦为了伪满当局的统治工具。     

Murphy's Moral Economy of Labor

Abstract

Throughout its history, the institution of the Catholic Church has been at odds with the social and political changes of modernity. However, many scholars claim that after Vatican II, the Church began to accept modernity's political regnancy, and subsequently embraced doctrines such as separation of Church and State and religious freedom. In fact, some scholars go so far as to claim that in recent decades, the Catholic Church has led political crusades that resulted in the political, economic, and social liberation of many, such as its spearhead movement against Communist countries and the liberation theology movements in Latin America. The purpose of this article is not only to examine such claims but to look more closely at the political implications of the thought of Pope Benedict XVI. I propose that Benedict XVI does not simply embrace modernity, but he challenges it from within and presents political society with an alternative foundation for political liberalism. To this effect, I examine the main tenets of his social thought, including his political anthropology and concept of personhood, his idea of secularity, and his understanding of the role of political institutions. I assess whether his ideas can be universally accepted by liberal, secular societies or whether the character of these ideas will appeal only to those who embrace Christianity.     

Attitudes and impediments to pacifism in medieval Europe

The spirit of total pacifism can be discerned in medieval western Europe amongst individuals such as St Francis of Assisi, and within communities such as the Penitents and Humiliati in Italy and the Beguines of northern Europe: such people refused to become attached to the popular pastime of warfare; they found the taking of human life to be objectionable and sinful, and refused to fight under any circumstances, even in defence of their own towns or possessions.However, it was difficult to be a pacifist. Such a philosophy was not popular amongst the civic authorities. Even the medieval Church made it difficult to pursue such sentiments: pacifist groups tended to be tainted with heresy, and therefore to be rooted out. The thinking of medieval theologians and philosophers on the questions of war and peace tended to be ambivalent; and the Church was willing to approve and bless warfare, such as the crusades, for its own ends. The nature of warfare itself also militated against the spirit of pacifism.     

To not reinstate the past:

Abstract

Most interpretations stress a qualitative shift in colonial policy at the end of World War II, reflecting a major reorientation of outlook towards development, welfare and ultimately independence. There are, however, continuities before and after the war that call for a shift of emphasis.

Because the British Solomon Islands Protectorate is conventionally represented as an extreme case of backwardness and severity before the war, it should present the putative contrast sharply. On the contrary, the pre-war administration field staff had aspirations for a more progressive regime, but these were thwarted by the protectorate's poverty and were shelved by the eruption of the war. The war-time destruction prompted administrators to consider afresh the problems of colonial development, coinciding with Colonial Office demands for post-war development submissions. Proposals proved too ambitious for the limited imperial purse, but even the attenuated plans proved unrealistic given the acute shortages of material and human resources.

Thus, while ‘post-war thinking’ began well before the war, the era of ‘post-war development’ could not properly begin until several years after the end of the war.     

"总体战"和现代日本"间接金融体制"的形成

日本近代银行虽然早在明治初期已经发端 ,但是明治时代的日本企业基本上是依靠股份和企业内部资金储备扩大再生产 ,即所谓“内部金融时代”。直至 2 0世纪 30年代中期 ,日本企业仍处于主要以发行股票和债券融资的“直接金融” ,和主要以向银行借贷融资的“间接金融”二者并存 ,但以前者为主要的状态。在发动侵华战争、构筑总体战体制以后 ,日本金融体制发生了急剧变化 ,主要表现为资本市场日趋衰微 ,以向银行借贷为主的间接金融体制开始形成。这种体制在战后仍然得以延续。由美国主导的日本战后民主化改革 ,并没有使战时形成的金融体制发生根本性变革。     

Une loi de l'Eglise et de l'Etat: Napoleon and the central administration of religious life, 1800 1815

In 1802 the Napoleonic government removed authority over religiousholidays from the Gallican Church. In Old Regime France bishopsdecided which holidays were observed in their dioceses. TheRepublican Calendar had eliminated official recognition of Catholicholidays but not their widespread observance. Napoleon reinstatedthe Gregorian Calendar but not the holidays of the Old Regime.At his request, a papal indult eliminated the weekday observanceof all but four Catholic holidays. The reform drew on the legacyof the Enlightenment, especially Montesquieu. The clergy ofthe Gallican Church oversaw the indult's execution, which wascomplicated by ambiguous wording. Napoleon attempted to mergereligious and political obedience, so the best Christians wouldalso be the best subjects, while making it clear that the governmentwas the dominant power. The Restoration subsequently kept theindult in place, neither adding more holidays nor relinquishingauthority over the matter.