苏联出兵东北对国共两党争夺东北的影响

苏联出兵东北对国共两党争夺东北的影响于耀洲１９４５年８月,苏联根据《雅尔塔协定》出兵东北,迅速击溃了妄图利用东北作依托而负隅顽抗的日本军队,加速了反法西斯战争和中国抗日战争胜利的进程。战后初期,苏军占领东北,使东北局势异常复杂,对国共两党争夺东北的斗...     

苏联红军在我国东北发行的佰圆军票

1945年8月8日,苏联对日宣战．8月9日．157万苏军从西、北、东三个方向进入我国东北,合围日本关东军．历时3周多,取得全面胜利．按照《中苏友好共同对日作战协定》规定,苏军出兵我国东北的经费．由苏联红军司令部发行军票解决．战后．由国民党政府收交苏方销毁。     

“张莘夫事件”与1946年初的反苏大游行

１９４５年８月 ８日,依据雅尔塔会议决议及《波茨坦公告》的规定,苏联宣布对日作战,百万红军在华西列夫斯基元帅的指挥下,兵分四路攻入了中国东北境内,作战一个多星期,共歼灭日本关东军６７万多人。苏军的参战,加速了抗日战争的胜利进程。８月１５日,日本天皇颁布诏书,宣布无条件投降。 就在日本宣布投降的前一天,国民政府外交部长王世杰在莫斯科和苏联签定了《中苏友好同盟条约》,条约规定：战后东北的主权移交于国民政府,苏军在日本投降后三个星期内开始撤退,三个月撤完。一 “九一八”事变爆发后,日本占领了中国的东北三…     

战后苏联从中国东北延期撤军的美国因素

1945年《雅尔塔秘密协定》规定苏军须在战后三个月内撤出中国东北,但因美国插手中国事务加上美苏冷战已露端倪,为阻止美国进入东北和避免美蒋合作造成不利影响,苏联曾数次延缓撤军,美军在中国华北的长期驻军更使苏联撤军问题复杂化。本文拟从影响苏联延缓撤军的美国因素作一简要分析。     

宋美龄一九四六年长春之行

抗战胜利后不久,宋美龄携随员赶赴东北长春,代表蒋介石政府慰问解放东北的苏军,并向苏军将士授勋。宋美龄来去匆匆,各方面反应如何……《宋美龄1946年长春之行》作了细致入微的现场追记。     

东北问题与四平决战

东北问题是战后中国政局中一个相对独立、甚为特殊的问题 ,其独立性和特殊性 ,造成东北问题处于一种既不停战、又不谈判、且又无人能够出面调停的局面。苏军撤离后 ,东北问题必然失控。国民党六届二中全会之后 ,国共两党在政协宪草原则和东北问题上形成两个矛盾焦点 ,双方都需要一次重大的军事胜利 ,以将政局的发展纳入自己的控制下。四平决战正是在这种政治的直接要求下爆发的。四平之役是国共战争史上一次特殊的战例 ,即通过局部性的军事决战方式 ,体现全局性的政治决战意图     

论苏联出兵东北对东北根据地建立的历史影响

本文探讨了苏联出兵东北对中共建立东北根据地的历史影响,认为苏军进驻东北为中共在东北创建根据地提供了诸多有利因素,中共正是充分利用了这些有利因素,采取科学灵活的策略方针,建立并巩固了东北根据地,从而为解放战争的胜利奠定了重要的后方基地。     

刘顺元事件与中苏关系

抗日战争刚胜利,时任中共淮南区党委副书记的刘顺元即到了东北,先担任中共辽东省委副书记,后为加强旅大苏军占领区的工作,调任中共旅大地委副书记、第二书记。刘顺元在旅大期间,对苏联的大国沙文主义、苏军的专横霸道,在忍无可忍的情况下,进行了几次不同程度的抵制,导致苏军以“反苏”为由,在中国的国土上将刘顺元无理“驱逐出境”。     

曾克林率部挺进东北亲历记

抗日战争胜利后,中共中央在确定“向南发展”还是“向北发展”的战略方针时,曾一度举棋不定。当年第一个率八路军挺进东北的曾克林将军,率部深入东北腹地,并与苏军代表一同飞赴延安,向中央汇报。党中央政治局集体听取曾克林的汇报后,连夜作出“向北发展、向南防御”的战略决策,迅速调兵遣将,建立东北革命根据地,粉碎了蒋介石独霸东北的企图,国共两党两军在东北由此展开一场大决战。现已86岁高龄的前海军顾问曾克林将军对笔者介绍了当时情况,披露了许多鲜为人知的第一手资料。攻克“天下第一关”八路军和苏军并肩作战1945年8月8日…     

保卫四平之战

四平保卫战,在东北解放战争初期,是一个重要的战役,该不该打,至今有人还在议论。1945年8月,抗日战争胜利后,根据中共中央确定的向北发展、向南防御的战略方针,中央先后调集了10万部队,2万干部,20位中央委员和候补中央委员（其中4位政治局委员）先后赶赴东北,比国民党抢先了一步。而当时已是苏军解放的东北,这给我们开展工作创造了一些便利条件。但我们面临的是国民党开到东北的五个军,全部是美械装备,有相当的战斗力。还有中苏条约的制约,驻东北苏军承认蒋介石的国民党政府是中国合法政府。当时东北的群众根本未发动,正统观…     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.