The privatisation of maritime security in Southeast Asia: the impact on regional security cooperation

This paper examines the involvement of new modes of governance (NMoG)/new actors, in establishing new regional regulatory frameworks in Southeast Asia. The basis for this discussion is a framework suggested by Kanishka Jayasuriya who argues that the activities of NMoG can facilitate the establishment of such regional regulatory frameworks. Concentrating on maritime services provided by one new actor, Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), this paper suggests that the current activities and working practices of PMSCs in Southeast Asia are more likely to undermine regional security cooperation and regional governance, thus challenging some of the tenets of Jayasuriya's framework.     

Human security and public health in Southeast Asia: the SARS outbreak

Severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) is now a global public health threat with many medical, ethical, social, economic, political, and legal implications. (Abdullah et al. 2003 Abdullah ASM 2003 ‘Lessons from the severe acute respiratory syndrome outbreak in Hong Kong’ Emerging Infectious Diseases Journal [online] September. Available from: URL: http://www.cdc.gov/ncidod/EID/vol9no9/03–0366.htm [Crossref] [Google Scholar])

No man is an island. (John Donne)

The security of the state is dependent on the security of its individual citizens. If they are not secure, the state is not secure. Traditional, state‐dominant, conceptions of security are ill‐equipped to provide understanding into the array of security concerns that now confront nation‐states. In November 2002, one of these new security concerns, a corona pulmonary virus jumped the species barrier to begin infecting people in southern China. Three months later this virus was unwittingly transmitted from mainland China to Hong Kong. From there it spread rapidly throughout most of Southeast Asia as well as through parts of the Americas and Europe. Now known as the SARS—Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome—virus, it became a major threat to the stability and prosperity of Southeast Asian countries. This article reviews the spread and impact of the SARS virus within Southeast Asia from a human security perspective. It is intended that the utilisation of human security in this instance will not only provide a better understanding of the impact of SARS on regional states but will also advance the conceptualisation of the human security model.     

东北亚区域经济合作与跨国城市体系

东北亚在整个亚太地区最具有一体化特点,其区域经济合作潜力深厚,前景可观。在东北亚区域沿海地带,目前已初步形成一个跨国的大中城市组成的城市走廓,成为带动东北亚经济合作与发展的中坚及空间依托。随着区域经济一体化的发展,相关国家的城市功能、地位、辐射范围都会有较大的调整与变化,对此,我们应该有思想准备,以便合理规划我国的城市战略布局,迎接东北亚新时代的挑战。     

东北亚地区经济技术合作中的旅游业

旅游业的先导作用、文化效应和经济效应决定了它在东北亚地区经济技术合作中的地位,本文分析了东北亚地区旅游业的发展基础与协作潜力,就东北亚地区旅游业发展战略与中国延边地区的相应抉择进行了探讨。     

Northeast Asian Resource Security Strategies and International Resource Politics in Asia

Soaring prices for minerals and energy are posing a major threat to the resource security of economies in Asia. As a result, many regional governments have launched new resource security strategies in the last few years. Most recent attention to resource security in Asia has focused on debating whether the Chinese government’s resource policies are mercantilist or liberal. This China-focused debate is too narrow to fully capture the nature of resource politics in Northeast Asia, since the governments of Japan and Korea have also recently launched their own resource security strategies. This paper considers regional-level trends in Asian resource politics by examining the causes, content and implications of the resource security strategies deployed by the consumer governments in Northeast Asia. It argues that growing resource security concerns, combined with a process of competitive policy emulation, have seen the Chinese, Japanese and Korean governments each adopt mercantilist resource security strategies over the last decade. Furthermore, the competitive nature of these mercantilist strategies is acting to intensify political and economic competition for resources between the Asian region’s three main economic powers.     

中日俄在东北亚地区的能源博弈

国际能源消耗与日俱增,原油价格不断飙升,“能源安全”问题日趋凸显。比邻而居的中日两国都是世界能源消耗大国和能源进口大国,在能源领域有着“共同的弱点”。近些年中日在东北亚地区围绕俄罗斯西伯利亚·远东输油管线建设问题展开了激烈的博弈。作为能源供应国的俄罗斯,大搞能源外交,有意在东北亚能源市场中引入竞争机制,谋求本国利益最大化,这在客观上进一步加剧了中日在输油管线问题上的恶性竞争。在能源领域,如何协调和缓解对抗式、排他式的恶性竞争,避免传统的“零和博弈”是摆在中日俄面前的重要课题。     

日俄战争期间美国的东北亚政策

本文认为,美国在日俄战争期间的东北亚政策仍然是坚持“门户开放”,但是在实现目标的手段上有了微妙的变化:着重在东北亚推动和构建“均势”格局——挺日、拒俄,建立均势,而不再是前一时期的“追随”欧洲列强,嗣机插足的政策。     

Securing international society: towards an English school discourse of security

English School approaches to international politics, which focus on the idea of an international society of states bound together by shared rules and norms, have not paid significant explicit attention to the study of security in international relations. This is curious given the centrality of security to the study of world politics and the recent resurgence of English School scholarship in general. This article attempts to redress this gap by locating and explicating an English School discourse of security. We argue here that there is indeed an English School discourse of security, although an important internal distinction exists here between pluralist and solidarist accounts, which focus on questions of order and justice in international society respectively. In making this argument, we also seek to explore the extent to which emerging solidarist accounts of security serve to redress the insecurity of security in international relations: the tendency of traditional security praxes to privilege the state in ways that renders individuals insecure.     

产业结构调整与日本的东北亚经济合作战略构想

一、日本产业结构调整的方向 众所周知,从上世纪90年代中后期开始,尤其是进入21世纪以来,曾经不可一世的日本制造业在长期的不景气下,纷纷出现企业亏损、负债经营及设备投资迟迟跟不上等现象。同时IT产业也滞后于世界发展潮流,加上社会高龄化等因素影响,使日本在国际上的竞争力开始钝化。在以信息共享和标准化为目标的IT产业方面日本甚至落后于部分亚洲新兴工业国家。总体上看,其原因应归罪于规制缓和的速度及范围调整不当、金融秩序混乱、优秀人才被局限和高新技术的应用及新型商业模式的开展不力等因素。     

The collective capitalism of Northeast Asia and the limits of orthodox economics

In an effort to offer a more balanced assessment of Northeast Asian political economy than is typically found in the conventional neo‐classical tradition, this paper highlights forms of business collectivism and state‐economy interaction that have, arguably, played an important role in Northeast Asian economic dynamism. Beyond this, there is an account of why mainstream economic analysis has been so one‐sided in its analysis of Northeast Asia. A number of policy implications are also drawn from the analysis.     

东北亚地区各国间近代贸易关系的形成及其特点

当东北亚地区被欧美列强强行拉入世界资本主义市场之时,该地区诸国之间的近代国际贸易活动并未随之同步出现。19世纪70年代之后,随着《中日修好条规》等一系列中日、日朝、中朝近代条约的签订,确立了东北亚地区各国之间近代国际关系,其近代国际贸易关系由此开始形成并表现出鲜明的特点。     

日俄战争后日俄美的东北亚政策

2005年作为日俄建交150周年的纪念,在日俄关系及东北亚国际关系中都将具有重要意义。同样,重新研究一百年前的日俄战争结束后东北亚地区主要国际势力的对策,对于认清国际外交舞台上瞬息骤变的政治风云,及各国纵横捭阖以采取符合本国利益的积极对策是有一定借鉴意义的。本文即对日、俄、美三个对东北亚地区有重要影响的国家在日俄战争后的外交对策进行了简要的论述。     

宋元时期东北亚海上交流的考古学观察

对东北亚地区的海上文化交流是宋元时期中国对外交流的重要内容之一。在东北亚沿海地区发现的大量宋元文物,不仅从实物的角度见证了这些地区与中国的物质文化交流,同时也反映了宋元时期海上航线和港口的变迁。