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1.
我们通常所说的“农民起义”的领导人并不都是农民,但是只要具有政治目的,实际上就是来自社会下层的反政府武装,而皇亲国戚的叛乱和藩镇军阀的割据则是来自社会上层的反政府武装。至于那些没有政治目的土匪、强盗、邪教、帮派、会党等黑社会势力则是反社会武装。反政府武装和反社会武装都会给社会带来动乱,然而民众却往往对他们寄予同情,那是因为民众对政府不满而又不能用合法的方法去更换它。反政府武装的结局与原则只有一个——成则为王,败则为寇。反政府武装和政府的斗争不是阶级斗争,但是却推动了改朝换代,也是造成古代社会动乱不已的原因。研究反政府武装的目的是为了设计出理性明智的政治制度,建设和谐安定的社会。  相似文献   

2.
经过长期发展,国际军火走私早已形成一个稳定的“产业链”,而军火贩子就是“货源”和“买主”之间的掮客。军火贩子的“买主”主要有两类:一是战乱地区的政府、反政府武装或游击队组织;一是国际恐怖分子。对于前一类买主,军火贩子往往有求必应,既向政府军出售武器,也不“亏待”反政府武装,因为两者间的战争越持久,军火贩子的利润就越大。对于后一类买主,军火贩子也是毫无顾忌,他们也因此成了全球恐怖主义活动的“助推器”。  相似文献   

3.
19世纪是英国社会从传统向现代转型的关键时期,在人口较集中的城镇,医疗服务市场空前繁荣:各类医疗机构纷纷兴起,全科医生群体发展壮大。然而,与城镇的繁荣局面不同,乡村地区面临医疗机构和卫生服务匮乏的局面,民众对医疗服务的现实诉求尤盛,整个国家存在对于扩充病床的宏观需要。这一时期出现的乡村医院为民众提供了基本医疗服务,并凭借其筹资多元、设计合理、管理严格等特点而迅速兴起,弥补了社会转型时期政府职能在乡村地区的缺失,为改善乡村民众医疗服务水平做出了积极贡献。  相似文献   

4.
乌马罗夫曾制造“别斯兰惨案”,命令“黑寡妇”袭击列车。他还有可能发动化学战恐怖袭击车臣头号恐怖分子巴萨耶夫7月10日被炸死后,另一位车臣反政府武装领导人卡多·乌马罗夫走上了前台。据俄罗斯安全专家分析,乌马罗夫目前已成为车臣反政府武装最重要的领导人,自然也将成为俄安全部队围剿的头号境内恐怖分子。  相似文献   

5.
穆昭阳 《民俗研究》2012,(6):107-111
传统上,我国是一个以农业为主的国家,在长期的历史发展过程中,形成了“村落”这一中国民众生活的基本单元。作为固定人群长期聚居、繁衍的空间,同时也是共同生产、生活的空间,村落的重要性显而易见。村落文化,是一种建立在广泛的民众基础之上的传承性文化,是最具有民间气息和民众情感的民俗文化。生活在村落里的个体集聚起来,形成了相对固定的民众群体,并使得村落民俗文化随着代际更替而绵延传承下来。  相似文献   

6.
非洲奴隶贸易主要出现在十五世纪中叶至十九世纪末这一段历史时期。在这个时期,欧洲几乎所有在海上从事贸易活动的国家都在非洲大陆从事这项被马克思称为“贩卖人类血肉”的肮脏勾当。西方列强由于贩卖非洲奴隶而发了财,非洲则因受到蹂躏,丧失了亿万生命,使大部分地区长期陷于混乱与瘫痪之中,社会经济的发展被遏阻。历时四个多世纪的非洲  相似文献   

7.
淞沪会战后,以无锡梅村为代表的江南东路地区经历了社会秩序从崩溃到重建,进而重构重塑的历史进程。其间本地民众、地方党组织及新四军正规部队先后于不同时段参与其中,交互扮演了各自相异的历史角色。民众最初依靠宗族、血缘等关系,借助保甲、团练等组织,以“自卫保家乡”为号召创建各类武装系统,走上“半军事化”道路。中国共产党上海地方党组织在东路沦陷近一年后进驻梅村,依托其组织优长、理论优势,以灵活的统战策略嵌入以民众武装为支柱的地方权势结构中,力图重构以“抗战”为主题的基层秩序框架。1939年5月,新四军第六团以“江南抗日义勇军”名义东进,在梅村与地方党组织相互配合,在共同作战中对地方武装展开正规化整训,强化基于“抗战共识”的地方新秩序。但限于敌后复杂的斗争形势,“江抗”在收编民众武装过程中未能妥善处理各种内外矛盾,被迫率领包括民众武装在内的所有部队仓促西撤。此举不仅破坏了作为沦陷区支柱的地方武装系统,还导致东路的秩序重建出现重大波折。  相似文献   

8.
英、美等西方国家的城市是工业化的产物,第三世界城市的兴起应当被看作是殖民扩散的影响,而不是当地城镇自然发展的产物.本世纪初,除西欧和北美以外也存在一些具有相当规模的城市,可它们主要是与西方殖民主义缕连的港口和矿业中心.它们在各国形成一种双重经济的上层,这种经济是外加进来的经济,仅仅和以乡村为基础的传统农业体系有着微弱的联系.其结果是非洲、南亚、东亚的城市人口百分比低.尽管第三世界的城市增长发生在经济发展水平较低的国家,但其增长速度要比西方国家快得多.人口的自然增长和人口的大量移动是主要原因,而工业发展随之而来的就业机会则是  相似文献   

9.
由于政治和经济发展等方面的原因 ,五十年来海外各国华侨社会的总体情况几度变化 ,其基本特点和趋向是 ,195 0 - 6 0年代中期因东南亚国家实施排华政策和国内社会主义建设的吸引 ,大批东南亚和北美华侨或就地更改国籍、或归国定居 ,使华侨社会日趋萎缩 ;从 6 0年代中期至 1970年代的“文化大革命”时期 ,由于国内经济发展停滞 ,祖国对华侨的吸引力减弱 ,加之国内实行极左的封闭政策严格控制入出境移民 ,所以各国华侨社会的群体规模一度基本稳定 ;而从 1980年代初至今则因中国的对外开放 ,大陆民众重又兴起了到东南亚、北美、欧洲、澳洲的定…  相似文献   

10.
论文聚焦于华人移民在bilibili网站上发布的以中华文化和中国经济为主题的视频,以及中国民众发表的弹幕点评,对它们进行话语分析与“过程追踪”。研究显示,随着互联网技术的快速发展,祖籍国网络媒体成为散居者进行族群身份展演、向祖籍国民众寻求情感支持的媒介之一。华人移民在自制视频中运用话语型构,展示自身在传承、传播中华文化与见证、支持中国经济发展中的角色与作用。祖籍国民众在观看展演后与移民展开话语互动,对移民所主张的族群身份进行表态,进而深化了自身对民族国家文化与经济的自觉意识。华人移民的这种族群身份展演不仅是一种生存与发展策略,更反映了他们内在的情感需求与身份意识,为我们理解网络化时代散居者的身份认同提供了新的视角。  相似文献   

11.
日本“走入非洲”的石油能源战略   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
非洲石油经济的依附性发展是日本“走入非洲”石油能源战略出台和实施的重要原因之一。具体表现为:非洲产油国以石油开采和出口为主的依附性经济结构是石油资源极度匮乏的日本出台这一战略的主要原因;非洲产油国工业制成品严重依附发达国家,是以出口为制造业主导的日本出台这一战略的重要原因;非洲产油国对发达国家的财政依附及依附性的转化,则是这一战略出台和实施的重要条件。不考虑其他因素,单从非洲石油经济的依附性发展角度看,日本“走入非洲”石油能源战略的前景并非一片光明,而是喜忧参半,前途未卜。  相似文献   

12.
This paper draws upon the theologies of Jon Sobrino and Engelbert Mveng to construct a social ethics of participation for those who have been marginalized by corrupt political and economic institutions, focusing on the agency of women in Sub-Sahara Africa. In light of the philosophy of political participation in developing countries, I examine Sobrino's insights that the victims of the evil of this world have to live as risen beings, I consider the African Theologian Engelbert Mveng's concept of anthropological pauperization, and argue that it makes a difference to consider historical events that influence the contexts in which we view the victims. I also argue that both Sobrino and Mveng provide foundations for political participation of the victims, but there is a need to reinforce the agency of the victims, and their own ability to come down from the cross and live as risen beings. Such agency suggests the need for reinforcing the political participation of the victims. Finally, I supplement Mveng's thoughts with the cultural features of the African philosophy of Ubuntu — related to African Humanism — to show that Ubuntu, as well as Mveng, reinforce Sobrino's claims.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

In fighting Mau Mau rebels in Kenya between 1952 and 1956, the British armed and deployed an African militia, known as the Kikuyu Home Guard. This article considers the role played by these allies in the counter-insurgency war, looking specifically at amnesty and surrenders. The British held secret talks with Mau Mau leaders in 1954, and again in 1955, to organize rebel surrenders. The politics of surrenders split the Mau Mau movement, and also raised massive opposition amongst white settlers. Amnesty and impunity were inducements to Mau Mau surrenders, but were offered primarily to prevent disaffection and desertion among loyalist Kikuyu African militia allies who feared prosecution for abuses and atrocities carried out during counter-insurgency operations. Loyalist Africans also feared the consequences of rebels returning to their home communities. Amnesty and promises of impunity thus shaped the character of Kenya's counter-insurgency campaign and the decolonization that followed. This was determined by the need for the British to secure the continued support of African allies up to Kenya's independence in 1963, and beyond.  相似文献   

14.
周公东征史实诠说   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
作为周初杰出的政治家,周公的历史功绩主要是在成王即位之初稳定周初局势和巩固周朝统治两个方面,而周公东征则是前的重要内容。《尚书大传》称周公摄政时“一年救乱,二年克殷,三年践奄”,这是一个笼统的说法。人们习惯上说周公东征三年,一般认为包括救乱、克殷、践奄的整个过程,其实,这个过程比较复杂,而且历时亦非三年。“周公东征三年’’很可能仅指伐奄的三年而言。  相似文献   

15.
African clothing industries have declined since the implementation of economic liberalization policies in the early 1980s whilst used‐clothing imports to Africa have increased. The general effects of economic liberalization on African clothing industries are well documented, although little research has been conducted on the particular impact of increased imports of second‐hand clothes on the local manufacturing sectors. Whether these two processes are causally related is difficult to determine due to limitations in official data sets. In this article, the used‐clothing trade is explored in detail and a broad range of cultural and local economic processes are investigated. Trends such as declining local purchasing power and the opening of African markets to cheap new clothing imports, as well as imports of used‐clothing, are examined, along with the converse boost to African clothing export production resulting from preferential trade agreements in the 2000s. With respect to the differential legal and illegal imports of second‐hand clothing to selected African countries, it is demonstrated that official trade data sets often fail to capture the nuances of contemporary social and economic processes.  相似文献   

16.
论文总结了戴国辉对东南亚华侨华人问题的主要观点和解决思路。认为东南亚华侨华人问题是欧美将东南亚殖民地化过程中的历史产物;战后的排华运动是将华侨当作殖民地遗留体制的代罪羔羊;东南亚的华侨、华人问题,不是单一的特殊问题,而是世界史上有普遍意义的问题;应以动态的观点看待华侨及其面临的身份认同困扰。东南亚华侨华人问题的解决思路要严格区分华侨、华人概念,明确其权利和义务,并给华侨资本、华人资本以正确的定位;东南亚国家应该把华人问题作为少数民族问题来把握;主张人应该同时具有多元的身份认同,华侨华人有保持自己民族性的权利;建立多民族国家内的"自立与共生"关系。  相似文献   

17.
19世纪60年代,是上海从"江南的上海"向"上海的江南"过渡的关键时期。这一时期,湘淮集团一方面通过解除太平军对上海围困,解决在此过程中产生的诸多社会问题,有效控制了上海的军政大权;另一方面通过采取系列的手段和措施,以处理日显复杂的上海中外关系,为上海的发展创造了一个相对安定和平的环境,从而成为了19世纪60年代上海崛起的一个重要因素。  相似文献   

18.
Many African countries experienced economic crisis in the 1970s and are currently restructuring their economies under the tutelage of the World Bank and the IMF. The restructuring process has had pervasive effects on the livelihood strategies of many people, as their established means of income generation have been disrupted. While survival of the urban poor has been studied, little is known of strategies of other social groups. Using Ghana as a case study, I argue that although urban poverty predates the implementation of structural adjustment program (SAP), the policies have created a favorable environment for the intensification of multiple livelihood strategies among of salaried employees. The paper finds that multiple livelihood strategies are practiced by a large number of salaried employees, but their involvement depends on many factors, including individual, family and household characteristics; access to capital and resources; opportunities offered by the urban economy; and the nature of formal employment.  相似文献   

19.
In this study, development experiences toward economic development are investigated to provide an alternative analysis of economic development, human capital, and genetic inheritance in the light of consanguineous marriages. The countries analyzed in the study are discussed in accordance with consanguineous marriage practices and classified by their per capita gross domestic product (GDP) growth. A broad range of countries are analyzed in the study. Arab countries that experienced high rates of growth in their gross national income during the twentieth century but failed to fulfill adequate development measures as reflected in the growth in national income, countries undergoing transition from tight government regulation to free market democracy, and African nations that have experienced complications in the process of development show important differences in the process of economic development. It is shown that the countries that have reached high average development within the context of per capita GDP have overcome problems integral to consanguineous marriage.  相似文献   

20.
This article discusses the case of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It shows how a variety of actors that have opposed the ADF group have framed the rebels to achieve a range of political and economic objectives, or in response to organizational and individual limitations. The DRC and Ugandan governments have each framed ADF in pursuit of regional, international and national goals separate from their stated desires to eliminate the armed group. The UN stabilization mission in Congo's (MONUSCO) understanding of the ADF was influenced by organizational limitations and the shortcomings of individual analysts, producing flawed assessments and ineffective policy decisions. Indeed, the many ‘faces’ of ADF tell us more about the ADF's adversaries than they do about the rebels themselves. The article shows how the policies towards the ADF may not be directly related to defeating a rebel threat, but rather enable the framers (e.g. DRC and Ugandan governments) to pursue various political and economic objectives, or lead the framers to pursue misguided operational plans (e.g. MONUSCO). In doing so, the article highlights more broadly the importance of the production of knowledge on conflicts and rebel groups: the way in which a rebel group is instrumentalized, or in which organizational structure impact on the understanding of the rebel group, are crucial not only in understanding the context, but also in understanding the interventions on the ground.  相似文献   

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