‘New face of Serbia’ at the Eurovision Song Contest: international media spectacle and national identity1

The aim of this paper is to examine the construction/recycling of national identities primarily through the participation of Serbia (and Montenegro) at the Eurovision Song Contests 2004–2008. First, the performances of this country's representatives at the Eurovision Song Contest will be examined, emphasising the aspects that contribute to the popularity of the songs chosen to represent the nation and the state. All those elements reinvent a picture of the past in its lived totality, managing to reawaken the sense of the supposedly idyllic national past associated with them. In this manner of (re-)creating identity, the recycling of memory and imagined tradition, but also references to European cultural, media and political spheres, have great symbolic weight. The second part will offer a discourse analysis of media coverage of the performance of the country as a host of the Eurovision Song Contest. It is shown how the notion of ‘the new face of Serbia’ is supposed to balance different, sometimes even confronted cultural markers present in concurrent identity strategies in Serbia.     

In the Shadows of Monuments: the British League for the Reconstruction of the Devastated Areas of France

Armed conflict destroys people and property but, for obvious reasons, human losses have received most attention, as have the ways in which we have commemorated them. The affect of the destruction of the lived-in landscape and people?s loss of their vernacular material worlds has been neglected. Yet artefacts and their associations are constitutive of place. Not only are they the material product of any community?s collective activities over time, they become important reference points in everyday life and mnemonic devices for contextualising the past and future. They serve to imbue localities with symbolic meanings. These ?landmarks? and ?lieux de me´moire? effect a rendezvous in place and time of the lived-in world with the collective memory. Moreover, their sudden loss can constitute a collective trauma for a community. This was certainly the world of the French civilian population displaced from their homes by the events of the Great War. One of the projects attempting to transform the ?shadowed ground? into a place of human congress and community was the British League for the Reconstruction of the Devastated Areas of France.     

Dealing with the contested past in Serbia: decontextualisation of the war veterans memories

This article addresses the protracted process that took place following the wars of the 1990s through which the war veteran populations in Serbia were fragmented, alienated and marginalised. The main assumption in this paper is that gaining control over the veteran populations was a crucial step in silencing any public reckoning with the nation's criminal past. Drawing on the case study of the top‐down reframing of the war veterans' memories, I show that the most effective strategy was found to be first to fragment the veteran population and then to encourage them to de‐contextualise and reframe their memories replacing concrete historical suffering with abstract remembrance. This resulted in the reinstitution of Serbia's former national narrative of Serbian victimisation. It is suggested that the Serbian case of collective memory reconstruction after the wars of the 1990s is a prime example of how post‐conflict states may mediate their contested past in order to bridge the gap between domestic demands and those of the international community.     

Radicalizing electoral system effects on support for nationalist hardliners in Serbia

This paper investigates electoral outcomes produced by the two‐round majority system in ethnically divided societies. Earlier studies, focused mainly on the Southern American states, have revealed that in ethnically mixed environments, competitors with radical positions on ethnic issues perform particularly well. This paper extends this idea to municipal elections in Serbia, showing how radical majority nationalist parties exhibit particularly strong performances in ethnically mixed municipalities. While this effect is also apparent under proportional representation, we argue that it is much stronger when a two‐round majority vote system is employed.     

Multiple-clause petitions to the English parliament in the later Middle Ages: instruments of pragmatism or persuasion?

This discussion considers how and why some parliamentary private petitions were written as lists of separate requests or complaints between the late thirteenth and mid-fifteenth centuries. These petitions constitute a small, but visually distinctive, sub-group of The National Archives series SC 8 (‘Ancient Petitions’). Although the practicalities of writing complicated requests were often a key factor, the article argues that other more subtle considerations could lead to the adoption of a ‘multiple-clause’ petition: it could be part of a rhetorical strategy; it might have been determined by bureaucratic expediency; or it could indicate co-operation between petitioners with a common cause. Overall, the discussion contributes to our understanding of the mechanics of writing petitions in the late medieval period and it offers new insights into the strategies adopted by petitioners to gain a favourable outcome to their requests.     

Memories of a time forgotten: the myth of the perennial nation

ABSTRACT. This article questions the persistent view of the Balkans as a place where ethnic and national identities were sustained over centuries of Ottoman and Habsburg rule. It concentrates on the Serbian historical narrative and challenges the picture of the Serbs as an ethnic community who gathered around their bards and priests to cherish memories of their ancient kingdom. Rather, it is argued that we can speak of two competing narratives, one ecclesiastical and the other vernacular, neither of which was even remotely national or historical, and that the Serbs, as we know them today, are not the product of centuries of cultural formation but were carved out of a Slavic mass as were the Croats, relatively recently.     

The democratisation of culture in France in the nineteenth & twentieth centuries: an obsolete ambition?

For generations of cultural administrators and players, extending the benefits of culture to the wider population, enabling the majority to access and be involved in cultural life, has been a moral and political priority; not only for the purposes of enjoyment but because the imparting of Enlightenment values, the acquisition of knowledge, the sharing of artistic creation and emotion and the transmission of cultural heritage have all been considered in this country as an integral part of both republican and democratic undertakings. Democratisation has been the guiding principle, both explicitly and implicitly, of a major part of French cultural policy over the last few decades, the primary reason for public involvement in cultural matters and the ultimate sign of the success or failure of all cultural policies. What have been the manifold faces of this ambition, what forms has it taken throughout the various eras and in what forms does it survive today? These are questions which this article seeks to address.     

Legal uncertainty,resistance to royal taxation and rural revolts in late medieval France: the case of Beauvoir-sur-Mer and Bois-de-Céné (1480)

In 1480, the inhabitants of Beauvoir-sur-Mer and Bois-de Céné, two small towns on the Atlantic coast of Poitou, in France, rebelled against the officials in charge of collecting the salt tax and arrested some of them. Despite the fact that the resulting civil disturbance had few long-lasting consequences, the case is an effective illustration of the dynamics of rural revolts at the end of the fifteenth century. This article demonstrates how violence was only the last stage of protest against royal taxation; the riots had been preceded by legal resistance and negotiations. The article also shows how the events were permeated and fuelled by judicial complexity and a climate of legal uncertainty surrounding the rights of French officials to collect the tax. These revolts must then be understood not simply as a reaction to excessive taxation, but more as self-defence against royal officials who refused to acknowledge the rights of the inhabitants of these towns.     

The Failed European Union: Franco-German Relations during the Great Depression of 1929–321

French scholars have led a revival of interest in inter-war efforts at European integration and the prominent role played by the French Foreign Minister, Aristide Briand. Franco-German rapprochement was integral to this effort, but with the death in October 1929 of his like-minded German counterpart, Gustav Stresemann, it is generally held that Berlin adopted a more confrontational foreign policy even before Hitler took power. However, this article demonstrates that in spite of a series of upsets, an intense and sustained effort continued during the years of the Great Depression (1929–32) to forge Franco-German détente. This culminated in September 1931 in a Franco-German treaty that established the mechanisms for far-reaching integration of the two countries’ economies, with a customs union and European union as the ultimate goals. It then examines in detail how and why this remarkable effort collapsed during 1932, paying particular attention to an unforeseen crisis in trading relations and the impact of a media scandal surrounding the publication of Stresemann's memoirs. Despite this failure, efforts to integrate Europe around a Franco-German axis between 1929 and 1932 can nonetheless be understood as part of a deeper process that survived Hitler and saw the emergence of the current European Union.