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1.
张德明 《史学集刊》2012,(5):97-109
将科伦坡计划、亚行和东盟三个经济组织串在一起,通过对围绕它们的建立美国所持政策的探讨,弄清了事实真相;揭示了在它们的早期阶段,美国对其政策的内容、功能和推行的原因。从对美国对三个组织政策的比较研究中得出了带有规律性的认识,即美国对各个组织的具体政策虽有不同,但其实质相同,包括三点:在亚洲建立均势格局为其在亚洲的战略服务;将亚洲经济组织变成它在亚洲的经济和政治利益服务的工具;主导或以双边关系影响亚洲经济组织。此认识为解读美国对建立"东亚共同体"构想的态度提供了历史视角。  相似文献   

2.
Identification of progressive intensifications of the oxygen red line has been attempted using a newly constructed photometer with which simultaneous observations of the skies towards the four cardinal directions can be made at one observatory. Observations have been carried out since November 1981 and five intensifications have been observed From a study of the time difference of the appearance of intensifications towards the four cardinal directions, it is suggested that intensifications apparently progress from the north and are related to magnetospheric substorms.  相似文献   

3.
60年代美国对华政策研究现状述评   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
国内外对于 50年代的中美关系和美国对华政策的研究已经取得了丰富的成果 ,而对 60年代美国对华政策的探讨还远远不够深入。美国学者对这一段外交史的研究带有较大的缺陷 ,其主流观点也经历了三次偏摆 ;相比之下中国学者的研究则相当滞后 ,零星的成果也是相当粗糙的。造成这种局面的原因有两个方面 :首先是大部分学者只关注这一时期的主要事态———越南战争 ,认为这一时期美国对华政策基本上承继了 50年代美国对华政策的遗产 ;其次很重要的一点是 ,决定 60年代美国对华政策的最重要的一部分外交档案———约翰逊政府时期的“美国外交文件集”于年前刚刚解密。本文试图依据已获得的这部分档案材料对 60年代的美国对华政策及中美关系的研究现状做一次综述性探索 ,以期抛砖引玉 ,引起同仁对这一主题的重视 ,并展开争鸣。  相似文献   

4.
The Bush administration has manoeuvred itself into an exquisite dilemma. Iraq is by all reasonable assessments a foreign policy calamity and perceptions of American power and legitimacy are at an all time low. All the options available to the US in dealing with the situation carry significant costs. For the US to extricate itself from Iraq it must engage with regimes that it claims it has an existential and intractable conflict with, such as Iran and Syria. This is a direct outcome of the failure of the Bush administration to acknowledge the realities of the situation in Iraq and the complexities involved in solving this crisis. It also highlights a much greater problem with current US foreign policy towards the Middle East, namely an ignorance of the interconnected nature of conflicts and tensions in the region. Approaching Iran and Syria regarding the Iraqi crisis would signal a positive shift away from the current values-driven unilateralism towards a more realistic and flexible policy to further US national interests.  相似文献   

5.
Growing international migration constitutes a tremendous challenge for contemporary democracies, no more so than for minority nations. An important challenge for the latter is one of acceptance of immigration from the native‐born population, in a context in which immigrant can be seen as both a cultural and a political threat. In this article we ask what explains attitudes towards immigration in minority nations. More specifically, we seek to provide answers to these questions: What is the impact of cultural insecurity on attitudes towards immigration in minority nations? Is strong attachment to a minority nation associated with less positive attitudes towards immigration? And finally, are proponents of independence for minority nations more likely to favour a reduction in the level of immigration than those who oppose it? The article seeks to answer these questions by exploring the case of Quebec.  相似文献   

6.
Imagining progressive environmental futures, especially among critical scholars, can be a fraught enterprise. While some theorists and activists turn towards the social emancipatory power of modern technological interventions at scale, others point to the revolutionary power of degrowth, simplicity, and conviviality. These competing political geographical imaginaries are often strident in their response to one another, though they share core materialist commitments. This essay reviews these contrasting approaches in light of the tradition of political ecology, within the context of an Earth economy that is trending towards higher levels of energy and lower levels of human labor, weighing the degree to which the work and conclusions of political ecologists are congruent with either perspective, neither perspective, or both. The conclusions suggest that, while these two traditions have inverse, or at least orthogonal, views of economic scale, they may not be beyond compromise. Socialist modernism and degrowth sprouted from the same seed, share a political ecological tradition, and may indeed require one another. Eschewing both utopian and dystopian aspirations may open the door to progressive reconciliation and action.  相似文献   

7.
Nick Gill 《对极》2010,42(5):1048-1070
Abstract: This paper examines the spatial consequences for activism of viewing the state through either a statist or post‐structural lens. It is argued that understanding the state in different ways produces very different spatial strategies among activists. Drawing upon detailed case studies of two asylum‐seeking activist organisations in the UK, the connections between imaginations of the state, spatial strategies towards institutionalised authority, and the pros and cons of these strategies for activism itself are examined. Through these cases, the paper emphasises the importance of everyday theories about the state not only for understanding what the state is, but also for understanding how relationships with the state are formed and points towards the constructive power of imaginations of the state in their own right.  相似文献   

8.
This article compares the impact of globalization on the political systems and political economy of Russia and China since the beginning of their respective reform periods. Overall, it argues that both should now be viewed within the paradigm of ‘developmental states’. The article first presents some comparative economic statistics on the changes that have taken place. Second, it looks at the converging attitudes of the two regimes towards industrial restructuring and privatization, highlighting the continued role that they both reserve for state direction. This includes an orientation towards national industrial champions. Third, the evolution of policies of both states towards guided democratization are discussed leading to an assessment of the importance of nationalism in their responses to globalization, particularly in the recent doctrine of ‘sovereign democracy’ of Putin's United Russia party. Finally, the article argues that a greater wariness towards western recipes for political and economic development will frame the efforts of both states to construct a more cooperative bilateral relationship.  相似文献   

9.
This article examines the rise in militarized approaches towards conservation, as part of a new ‘war for biodiversity’. This is a defining moment in the international politics of conservation and needs further examination. The claims that rhinos and elephants are under threat from highly organized criminal gangs of poachers shapes and determines conservation practice on the ground. Indeed, a central focus of the 2014 London Declaration on the Illegal Wildlife Trade is the strengthening of law enforcement, and recent policy statements by the US government and the Clinton Global Initiative also draw the link between poaching, global security and the need for greater levels of enforcement. Such statements and initiatives contribute substantially to the growing sense of a war for biodiversity. This article offers a critique of that argument, essentially by asking how we define poachers, and if militarized approaches mean conservationists are becoming more willing to engage in coercive, repressive policies that are ultimately counterproductive. Further, this article examines how the new war for biodiversity is justified and promoted by referring to wider debates about intervention in a post‐Cold War era; notably that the international community has a responsibility towards wildlife, especially endangered species, and that military forms of intervention may be required to save them.  相似文献   

10.
While it is now well established that Australian party leaders at the national level influence political choice in federal elections, little systematic study has been undertaken of the equivalent role that State Premiers and Opposition Leaders might play. In the 2001 Australian Election Study (n=2010), questions were asked of a national probability sample of voters about respondent feelings towards their State Premier and State Opposition Leader, in addition to equivalent questions about Prime Minister John Howard, Opposition Leader Kim Beazley and other major political figures in federal politics. The data generated by this survey thus provide an opportunity to investigate the impact that contemporary State political leaders have on electoral choice. The analysis produces mixed results, but the findings show that State leaders generally do have an impact on voting behaviour in State elections, although in some cases this influence is eliminated when account is taken of voter attitudes towards the federal leaders. The analysis also affords an opportunity to test the extent of crossover between State and federal politics, in terms of how much State leaders influence federal voting and vice versa. While the results are somewhat uneven, they do indicate that some State leaders influence federal voting and that the federal leaders do influence voting in some States.  相似文献   

11.
Talfourd Ely 《考古杂志》2013,170(1):67-71
Factors that determined the location of mints and the function and supply of bronze coinage in the Roman Empire during the fourth century A.D. are considered. The survey is based primarily on a comparison of site assemblages which cover the century, although in their absence hoards provide useful comparisons. Aspects of minting activity and coin circulation in both the western and the eastern empire are discussed, but the distribution of the most satisfactory material has biased the survey to Britain and the German provinces. It is argued that imperial policy towards the mints was strongly influenced by development and change in regional economies.  相似文献   

12.
本文主要探讨2003年10月阿都拉出任首相以来马来西亚政府的华人政策。阿都拉政府执政以来,致力于促进民族和谐,推出了一系列比较开明的华人经济政策和华文教育政策,承诺种族政权分享和华文教育的合法地位,但是它也坚持维护马来人的特权,确认马来西亚作为伊斯兰教国的地位,华人与马来人地位不平等的根本问题并没有改变。  相似文献   

13.
论新中国周边外交政策的历史演变   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
中华人民共和国的周边外交历来在其整个外交战略中占有极为重要的地位。中国的国家安全、政治稳定、经济发展乃至国际地位的改善都需要一个和平的、发展的、稳定的周边环境 ,这是中国历届政府力图实现的基本外交目标。大体来讲 ,中国的周边外交政策受到国际格局变迁、中国对外战略调整以及周边环境变化的影响与制约 ,这同时也和中国决策者的主观认识和世界战略思想发展变化有关 ,大致以 1 0年为期呈现阶段性的变化。本文主要探讨了 50年来中国周边外交政策的阶段变化 ,剖析其基本内容 ,总结其经验教训。  相似文献   

14.
This paper attempts to explore the underlying nature and terms of Higher Education policy. Higher Education policy cannot be viewed outside the changing conditions of the state especially when the inquiry centres on Europe. In the European context, policy making, in order to be efficient, seems to be conducted on two levels, the supranational and the regional. This change in the structure of Higher Education policy making can be considered as an outcome of globalization and the current market economy. The EU's Higher Education policy may be expected to go beyond the national into the supranational level of cooperation with the launching of new initiatives resulting from the Bologna Process and the European Higher Education Area. These initiatives are reshaping the role and responsibilities of Higher Education Institutes towards society and the market. The new role that these institutes are called upon to play indicates a clear tendency towards dissemination and the growing need for cooperation at the regional level.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT. This article seeks to understand why attitudes towards homosexuality in Latvia appear to be more intolerant than in all other EU member states. It argues that, while the impact of religion, the legacy of communism and post‐communist transition have all played a role in shaping attitudes towards homosexuality in Central and Eastern Europe, these factors do not explain sufficiently the divergence among post‐communist states and, in particular, do not account for Latvia's extreme position. While acknowledging that intolerance towards non‐heteronormative sexuality cannot be explained by a single factor but is the cumulative effect of a range of social influences, this study argues that homosexuality is particularly reviled in Latvia because it has been constructed discursively as a threat to the continued existence of the nation in its desired ethnic form and to the core values defining Latvian national identity.  相似文献   

16.
In south-central Siberia archaeological evidence suggests an acceleration of cultural development and an increase in the density of nomadic populations around 850 BC. We hypothesize a relationship with an abrupt climatic shift towards increased humidity caused by a decline of solar activity. Areas that initially may have been hostile semi-deserts changed into attractive steppe landscapes with a high biomass production and high carrying capacity. Newly available steppe areas could be invaded by herbivores, making them attractive for nomadic tribes. The central Asian horse-riding Scythian culture expanded, and an increased population density was a stimulus for westward migration towards southeastern Europe.  相似文献   

17.
Geopolitics and geoeconomics are often addressed together, with the latter seen as a sub‐variant of the former. This article shows the usefulness of differentiating them at a conceptual level. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitics and geoeconomics, we suggest that they have remarkably different qualities and implications for their targets, on both national and international levels. Importantly, these include the formation of alliances, and whether they are driven by balancing, bandwagoning or underbalancing dynamics. An analysis of Russia's shifting geostrategy towards Europe shows these differences in practice. Russian geoeconomics has long been successful as a ‘wedge strategy’, dividing the EU. As a result, the EU has underbalanced and its Russia policies have been incoherent. The observable tendencies in 2014–15 towards a more coherent European approach can be explained by the changing emphasis in Russia's geostrategy. Russia's turn to geopolitics works as a centripetal force, causing a relative increase in EU unity. Centripetal tendencies due to heightened threat perception can be observed in the economic sanctions, emerging German leadership in EU foreign policy, and discussion on energy union. The analysis calls for more attention to the way strategic choices—geopolitics versus geoeconomics—affect the coherence of threatened states and alliance patterns.  相似文献   

18.
This paper has been developed from a research project 1 that was directed at understanding the changes taking place in the curatorial attitudes towards the location and use of motor-cars in museums. It identifies the key issues regarding the patterns of representation, collecting and questions of national policy. In this process the paper considers the ways in which new meanings are being attached to collections, and the extent to which narratives are obscuring an understanding of the objects and increasing the tensions between the history and heritage of British motoring.  相似文献   

19.
新中国成立以来发展观与发展模式的历史互动   总被引:18,自引:1,他引:17  
新中国成立以来,党和政府形成了三代各具特色而又相互联系的发展观。即:1949-1978年间的经济增长导向型发展观,1979-1994年间的经济发展导向型发展观,1995至今的经济社会进步导向型发展观。中共十六届三中全会提出的新发展观之所以是科学发展观,是因为它是在与发展模式的历史互动中形成的,是对建国以来经济发展模式进行科学思考的产物,是对建国以来中国几代领导人发展观进行辩证扬弃的结果。  相似文献   

20.
With this essay I suggest a move towards poetic realism in the representation of children in Scottish movies. After a brief discussion of the landscape context of film geographies I turn to the roots of Scottish film realism in British Free Cinema, with specific reference to filmmakers’ use of landscape and place‐characters. I then argue that Scottish filmmaker Lynne Ramsay moves most fully towards the context of poetic child realism. Ramsay frames and foments a quirky poetic realism with non‐professional child actors placed in carefully crafted landscapes to create important moral and social stories that evolve from a series of shocks and an emotive collision of ideas.  相似文献   

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