战后日本对蒙外交

战后以来,日、蒙关系一直处于不冷不热、若即若离的状态之中,只有低层次的、松散的经济、贸易往来。80年代末期,随着国际局势的巨大变化和日本“大国外交”的展开,日、蒙关系陡然升温。日本政府通过积极主动的对蒙外交,迅速填补了原苏联从蒙古撤出后留下的“权力真空”,掌握了国际社会援蒙问题的主导权。     

近代以来日本外交战略的三次转变及其原因

近代以来150年间日本外交战略经历了一个从追求军事崛起到经济崛起,以及再到政治崛起的过程,并且为此而不断调整自己的外交战略。岛国的政治文化、内部指导思想固然是决定其战略转变的主要原因,而不可忽视的是东亚的国际环境亦成为日本对外决策的重要诱因。面对21世纪,军事失败与经济成功正反两方面的历史经验证明,顺应东亚一体化的趋势,实现与亚洲各国的和解,积极、平等地推动地区合作,将是日本外交战略的现实选择。     

论佐藤内阁时期的日美关系——从依附走向相互依存

佐藤内阁时期（１９６４·１１·９——１９７２·７·７）是战后日美关系史上的一个重要转折时期。这期间日本利用日益膨胀的经济实力,借美国深陷越南战争的泥沼不能自拔、经济实力大幅度滑坡、在远东急需日本提供战略合作的有利时机,围绕越南战争、东南亚开发、东亚战略“换肩”、小笠原、冲绳的施政权归还等问题展开频繁的首脑外交,不仅顺利解决了日本战败遗留下来的日美间最大的外交课题,而且顺利实现了日美在远东的战略“换肩”,极大地提高了日本在美国远东战略中的地位和作用。使日美关系从战后日本对美依附时代,进入了日美相互依存时代,为７０年代初日本结束“战后”时期迈出了决定性的一步。     

从1871年中日立约看李鸿章的早期外交思想

1871年《中日修好条规》是中日近代第一个条约,标志着近代中日的建交。这个条约是一个平等条约,它是由李鸿章最早主持谈判和缔结的一部条约,其中毫无疑问体现了李鸿章的早期外交思想:一是"外须和戎"的对外媾和思想;二是"联日以制泰西"的"以夷制夷"思想;三是积极谋求国际地位平等的外交思想。     

从《环境研究》看日本学界对当代中国环境问题的研究

日本《环境研究》在2008年149号、150号开设专辑,集中刊登了17篇研究当代中国环境问题的论文,这些研究论文反映出日本学界对当代中国环境问题的关注。日本学者的研究视角主要集中在三个方面,即中国环境法律法规政策的变化特点和环境行政的最新发展动向;中国环境战略如温室气体减排及沙漠化对策ODA(日本对华开发援助)等各种形式的中日环境合作。随着环境问题日益成为全球性话题,有关环境问题的研究与合作正在超越环境问题而扩展到经济、政治领域。在环境问题上的交流与合作,对中日经济合作关系乃至中日友好关系都将产生越来越重要的影响。     

“北伐”期间田中内阁对“满蒙”政策的一面

1927年中国"北伐"之际,日本田中义一组阁并兼任外相。面对中国巨变的政治形势,采取策略维护并扩大日本在"满蒙"的特殊利益是田中内阁最主要的外交任务。为此,田中一方面通过非正式外交的手段诱逼张作霖签订"满蒙五路协议""东三省治安维持协议""中日经济合作协议",以扩大日本在中国东北的独占利益;一方面游说美国财团购买"满铁"社债,实现对美协调外交,形成与美国在"满蒙"利益捆绑的局面以应对"北伐"。虽然最终两条策略都失败了,但研究其推行的过程,可以帮助了解田中内阁时期,日本对"满蒙"政策的一个面相。     

"一面抵抗,一面交涉"--析论汪精卫的对日方针(1932-1937)

九一八事变后 ,面对日本不断加紧的侵华步伐 ,汪精卫开始形成“一面抵抗 ,一面交涉”的对日外交思想。一·二八事变后 ,汪精卫全面系统地阐述了这一思想 ,并将之作为汪、蒋合作的南京政府对日外交的指导方针。这一对日外交方针对当时中国政局的发展和中日关系的走向产生了深远的影响 ,同时也为后来汪精卫的叛国投日埋下了祸根。     

摄政王载沣驱袁事件再研究

摄政王载沣驱袁事件,既是清廷内部的一场权力斗争,同时也夹杂着复杂的国际因素,与当时中美日三国外交存在十分微妙的关系,尤其与袁世凯的联美制日外交的失败直接有关。在这场政治权力斗争中,载沣之所以没有处死袁世凯,固然由于载沣本人性格优柔寡断、缺乏政治斗争经验,以及慑于袁世凯的北洋势力,但同时与列强尤其是美国的强力干预有着密切关系。而就几个主要列强来说,它们对载沣驱袁的态度和反应并不一致。其中,因为袁世凯的联美制日外交妨碍了日本对中国东三省的侵略,日本方面对袁世凯遭罢黜实际上持欢迎和支持态度,极不愿意看到袁氏复出;而美国政府由于担心清末新政改革政策发生逆转,同时也为了抵制日本对清政府的控制及与日本争夺中国东三省的控制权,坚决反对载沣罢黜袁世凯,从一开始就期待袁氏尽快复出。在载沣驱袁权力斗争的历史背后,同时也浮现出日、美两国较量的影子。     

试析尼克松政府的环境外交

在尼克松执政时期,环境成为美国外交的主要议题之一.尼克松政府通过北约、经济合作与发展组织和联合国国际组织,围绕环境监管、环境保护和污染治理等主题进行外交活动.尼克松的环境外交体现出其先行一步的外交构想和具体的环境行动.美国的环境外交因先于其他国家而取得了国际环境领域的有利地位,并推动了20世纪70年代初环境领域的国际合作达到一个高潮.不过,尼克松的环境外交更多地着眼于美国所处的国内外环境形势和现实利益,与第三世界为实现符合发展中国家利益的环境主张形成了明显的对照.     

原敬与国际协调外交

从政治思想史的角度来看 ,日本近代的国际协调外交渊源于原敬的“对清政略即是对欧政略”的外交哲学原则。在长达半年的欧美实地考察中 ,原敬亲眼目睹了美国实力正在蒸蒸日上 ,预见到美国将在国际舞台上发挥重要的作用 ,指出在今后的国际问题上要格外注意美国的动向。一战爆发后 ,原敬在各种场合反复陈述日本与美国协调关系的重要性和迫切性 ,其国际协调外交思想得到了充分展开。从原敬的思想主张来看 ,其国际协调外交思想的终极目标在于 :日本在比较有利的和平的国际环境下 ,从中国获得最大的国家利益。     

Pop-culture diplomacy in Japan: soft power,nation branding and the question of ‘international cultural exchange’

This paper critically examines the development of what is known as ‘pop-culture diplomacy’ in Japan. In the postwar era, the country’s cultural diplomacy was propelled by the necessity to soften anti-Japan perceptions, notably in Southeast Asia. In the late 1980s, the popularity of Japanese media culture in Asia began to attract the attention of policy makers, while subsequent globalized practices of soft power and nation branding gave greater emphasis to the use of media culture to internationally enhance the image of the nation, which has meant the promotion of ‘pop-culture diplomacy’ and, more broadly, ‘Cool Japan’. It is argued that pop-culture diplomacy goes no further than a one-way projection and does not seriously engage with cross-border dialogue. The Japanese case also shows that pop-culture diplomacy hinders meaningful engagement with internal cultural diversity and suggests the necessity of taking domestic implications of cultural diplomacy seriously.     

Australia and the promise and the perils of humanitarian diplomacy

ABSTRACT

Humanitarian diplomacy has always been a crucial element of humanitarianism, however it is now becoming a more prominent element of states’ foreign policies. It holds many attractions and much promise. It provides states with a way of expressing important qualities of international empathy and solidarity and can also enhance a state’s international reputation and provide valuable means for building relationship of trust and cooperation. This can in turn can be conducive to a state’s broader foreign policy objectives. However, there are also perils to the incorporation of humanitarian diplomacy into a state’s foreign policy. It can generate ambiguity and even conflict within a state’s diplomatic endeavours due to tensions between humanitarian and broader national interests. In exploring these issues it is useful to distinguish between humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. This article explores these issues in relations to Australia’s diplomacy. It argues that Australia has actively engaged in humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. Whilst the two are often complementary, there are areas in which they have been in tension and even at odds. This has implications for Australia’s international reputation but also for its capacity to undertake genuine and effective humanitarian action.     

中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东地区及蒙古人民共和国产业合作开发研究

本文从产业结构分析出发,研究了东北亚经济区中一个特殊区域上三个国家间经济技术合作的政治和经济基础,指出了区域间经济技术合作的资源互补性、产业发展差异性、科技水平各具优势特征和经济发展水平差异性等现状特征,提出了中国东北地区与俄罗斯远东地区及蒙古人民共和国在经济技术合作的产业方向。     

蒙古国地缘特性及其国际关系

在国际关系格局中,从力量和影响来看,蒙古不是一个十分有地位的国家。然而,由于蒙古国的地缘政治位置的特殊性,在大国战略关系中,蒙古就象一个砝码,它能使亚太战略结构的天平产生倾斜。蒙古对中国、俄罗斯、美国、日本等大国均有重大战略价值,它的对外政策取向将对这些大国之间构成的复杂的战略关系产生深刻影响。同时,蒙古处于有关大国之间形成的地缘政治结构中,蒙古的国家战略和对外关系受到大国关系的严重制约,具有清晰的地缘政治特点与模式。     

Heritage diplomacy

This paper explores the concept of heritage diplomacy. To date much of the analysis regarding the politics of heritage has focused on contestation, dissonance and conflict. Heritage diplomacy seeks to address this imbalance by critically examining themes such as cooperation, cultural aid and hard power, and the ascendency of intergovernmental and non-governmental actors as mediators of the dance between nationalism and internationalism. The paper situates heritage diplomacy within broader histories of international governance and diplomacy itself. These are offered to interpret the interplay between the shifting forces and structures, which, together, have shaped the production, governance and international mobilisation of heritage in the modern era. A distinction between heritage as diplomacy and in diplomacy is outlined in order to reframe some of the ways in which heritage has acted as a constituent of cultural nationalisms, international relations and globalisation. In mapping out directions for further enquiry, I argue the complexities of the international ordering of heritage governance have yet to be teased out. A framework of heritage diplomacy is thus offered in the hope that it can do some important analytical work in the field of critical heritage theory, opening up some important but under theorised aspects of heritage analysis.     

浅析日本的公共外交及其局限

二战后,由于日本政治、军事外交的开展受到诸多因素的制约,公共外交就成为日本摆脱美军占领体制、发展与邻国关系以及谋求政治大国地位的重要途径。通过人员及文化的相互交流、加强对外宣传、推行外向型的文化教育、经济与文化援助以及动漫外交等手段,日本的公共外交取得了很大的成就。但受自身独特政治文化及国内右倾化思潮的影响,加之其受日美基轴及相关政策的掣肘,日本战后以来的公共外交并没有达到预期的效果。     

Realising Australia's international education as public diplomacy

Australia's international education serves as public diplomacy, essentially engaging and influencing public audiences in ways that progress Australian foreign policy priorities and national interests. The multidimensional and increasingly globalised nature of international education presents enormous opportunity for vital exchange and interactions between and with students, academics and communities via onshore and offshore modes of delivery. Positive experiences of student mobility and the development of intellectual, commercial and social relationships can build upon a nation's reputation, and enhance the ability of that nation to participate in and influence regional or global outcomes. This is ultimately the essence of soft power. While Australia has made significant commercial gains through international education, it has fallen short of realising the soft power potential inherent in the volume and depth of interactions, relationships and achievements resulting from it, particularly in the Asian region, where Australia's international education sector continues to be most active. This article argues that there is a soft power benefit in recognising international education as public diplomacy, though acknowledges that challenges exist in connecting the soft power aspirations to reality. Findings suggest that there is room for more coherent public diplomacy leadership and inter-agency coordination, improved evaluation and expanded dialogue both within the sector and the broader community.     

Japan's Sporting Diplomacy: The 1964 Tokyo Olympiad

At a time when Japanese foreign policy was constrained by the legacies of war and the exigencies of the Cold War, hosting the 1964 Tokyo Olympics was conceived as an alternative means of engagement with the international community. The sporting diplomacy of the Tokyo Olympics centered around elevating Japan’s international position by engaging the people of the world on a grassroots level. The pervasive notion that sports are separate from politics helped smooth Japan’s return to the international community, while concerns about the image presented to foreign audiences motivated efforts to internationalize Japan, in terms of both the physical infrastructure of the capital and attitudes of the people. The development of infrastructure for the Games—including new buildings, roads, and trains, and even a satellite to facilitate live international broadcast—all contributed to making Japan more “international.” The event was a great success for Japan, both athletically and diplomatically, and sports diplomacy became a lasting component of Japan’s foreign policy, still used today to promote international connections and develop greater knowledge and understanding of Japan. At the same time, this build-up of soft power also cleared the way for the development of greater hard power by Japan.     

试论抗战前十年国民政府对内蒙古的政策定位

抗战前十年是南京国民政府对内蒙古政策理念和定位立场形成的最重要时期。国民政府对内蒙古的政策定位在思想深处仍属于中国传统治边政策的范畴。完成省县一体化一直是国民党施政内蒙古所追求的目标。国民政府对给予内蒙古较高度的自治权始终缺乏理论准备,从民族理论上看,主要表现为对民族问题长期性的拒斥和否定。     

试析中日环保合作的现状及未来

中国在经济飞速发展的过程中付出了环境污染和生态破坏的代价。而环境问题跨国界的特点使得邻国日本对我国的环境保护事业表示了极大的关注。自1972年中日邦交正常化以来,环保合作是两国众多合作与交流领域中最活跃、最有成效和最具潜力的领域之一,结出了丰硕的成果。为国际环境双边合作树立了典范。本文将回顾中日环保合作的历史与现状。分析其特点与缺陷,并尝试对中日环保合作的前景作出展望。