路易十四与凡尔塞宫的传奇

路易十四,法国历史上极具传奇色彩的君主;凡尔塞宫,享誉世界的三大宫殿之一。2005年5月,凡尔塞宫博物馆"法国路易十四时期生活艺术展",即将亮相故宫,展示法国宫廷艺术的迷人魅力。     

路易十四时代的文化特征

法国路易十四时期是法国历史上重要的鼎盛时期,其文化现象是法国文化史的杰出代表。本文试浅析路易十四时期文化的成因、内容和意义。对认识法国近代历史的发展有重要意义。     

法国并不浪漫

2004年1月28日,中法建交40周年。对于法国、法国人,中国大众最先想到的词汇便是“浪漫”,可很多法国人并不认同,“当人们听说我从法国来,总要说你们法国人真浪漫。多无聊!”法国人让·雅克甚至这样反驳。也许40年以来我们对法国人仍然一无所知。那么法国人究竟怎样?他们如何评判自己?中法文化差异究竟多大?文中这些中国人和法国人的故事也许能够有一点启发,让你窥探到法国人“浪漫”背后的性格。     

法国皇帝嫌用刀叉娘娘腔

欧洲人认为吃得好,便说他吃的和法国国王一样。法国国王吃得到底有多好？路易十四时代,～位常在宫廷中行走的圣西门公爵晚年写回忆录,记载了路易十四的饮食习惯。     

简讯

“太阳王”路易十四——法国凡尔赛宫珍品特展2005年5月1日在北京故宫首次启用的午门城楼新展厅展出。路易十四又被称为太阳王,是法国历史上最伟大的君主。路易十四在位期间,法国国力强盛,修建了举世闻名的凡尔赛宫殿建筑群, 为后世留下了丰富的文化遗产,还向中国派遣了首个传教士团,开启了早期法中两国间文化交流的大门。本次展览为“中法文化年”的活动之一,分四个部分:太阳王——路易十四、太阳王的亲属臣僚、太阳王的华美殿宇、路易十四与康熙大帝。展出的100件套精美展     

近现代公民权利及其观念视野中的法国普遍选举史——评罗桑瓦龙《公民的加冕礼——法国普遍选举史》

法国当今史坛的一大亮点是政治史研究重新焕发生机 ,佳作层出不穷。在这一过程中 ,法国史学界新涌现了一批以政治史研究见长的名家。而在这些名家当中 ,最值得我们关注的史家之一当推多年任教于巴黎社会科学高等研究院的皮埃尔·罗桑瓦龙 (PierreRosanvallon 1 94 8— )教授。作为法国史坛近年迅速崛起的一位名家 ,罗桑瓦龙在 2 0 0 1年入选法兰西学院 ,执掌近现代政治史的教席。凡对法国知识体制稍有了解的人都知道 ,这一当选充分表明罗氏已登上了当今法国知识界象牙之塔的塔顶。罗桑瓦龙著述甚丰 ,不过 ,给他带来最大声誉的还是以下 3部…     

读《法国政治制度史》

近期有幸拜读了北京大学教授郭华榕先生潜心研究多年、洋洋数十万字的专著《法国政治制度史》①,这是近年我国学者研究法国政治制度史的又一部力作。在我国,对法国政治制度史的研究并不深入,除了洪波的《法国政治制度变迁》和吴国庆的《当代法国政治制度史(1945-1988)》外,到目前为止,还没有一部如此系统论述法国政治制度史的专著。因此,郭教授的这部专著在某种意义上填补了这一研究领域的空白。这部著作从法国政治制度演变的全过程出发,为我们掀开了法国政治制度的神秘面纱。本书作者从宏观上论述了法国政治制度曲折发展的全貌,突显了法国…     

论20世纪20年代的中国近代史研究

20年代的中国近代史研究呈现出一种畸形的发展状况。近代史研究不被时人看重,但却有不少近代史著述出版。到1928年,通过对近代史史料的整理工作,由斯而发,罗家伦明确提出了要科学地研究中国近代史,开启了近代史研究的新局面;从史学史的角度对这些近代史著述的特点作出总结,知人论世,可以窥见20年代近代史研究的状况。     

共和派的“同化”政策与“法国的阿尔及利亚”观念的形成

在法国殖民史上,阿尔及利亚占据着十分特殊的地位。在很长一段时间内,法国人认为阿尔及利亚并不是一块殖民地,而是法国的一部分,是法国本土的延伸,称阿尔及利亚为“法国的阿尔及利亚”。这种观念的形成与法国的共和派有着十分密切的联系。从一开始,共和派就是法国征服阿尔及利亚的积极支持者。在殖民过程中,共和派更是以“自由”“平等”“人权”等“普世价值”理念为由,提倡阿尔及利亚与法国本土的“同化”。正是在共和派的推动下,法国确定了对阿尔及利亚的“同化”政策。然而,在殖民实践中,这种“同化”政策存在着很大的局限性。它并不涉及当地土著人口,而是仅限于阿尔及利亚这块土地和居于其上的欧洲人口与法国本土的“同化”。这种排他性的“同化”政策有着观念和现实两方面的根源,而它的实行则让“法国的阿尔及利亚”始终是一个只属于法国人的政治神话。     

六角恋爱搅乱政坛,总统情史市井流传 法国“第一夫人”,风流场上的高手

法国人很浪漫,他们对政要们的风流韵事,多半也会宽容地耸耸肩。但是,今年10月11日,一位在法国居住了20多年的英国作家史蒂芬·克拉克却发表文章称,"法国人对感情不忠无所谓?别开玩笑了!"在他来看,最近就有个女人,用风流韵事刺激了巴黎人。她便是法国事实上的第一夫人、总统奥朗德的女友特里维勒。     

Commerce before crusade? France, the Ottoman Empire and the Barbary pirates (1661-1669)

French and Islamic forces clashed with an unprecedented frequencyduring the first decade of Louis XIV's personal rule. This articleexamines France's troubled relations with the Ottoman Empireand the Barbary States in the 1660s, with the aim of sheddinglight on the real motives of Louis XIV in sending his forcesagainst those of the ‘Infidel’. It finds that farfrom having a single policy towards their Muslim neighboursin the Mediterranean, the French government's behaviour wasin fact characterized by chronic inconsistency. In essence,French strategy was driven by the Bourbon government's long-termobjective of developing commerce in the eastern and southernMediterranean, but this programme of commercial expansion wasfrustrated—and repeatedly jeopardized—by issuesof power politics, in particular the king's avid pursuit ofprestige and personal gloire.     

The royal confessor and his rivals in seventeenth-century France

The most memorable portraits of the French royal confessorsof any period are in Saint-Simon's memoirs, and his judgementsof them have survived relatively unscathed compared to thosehe delivered on Louis XIV's ministers generally. His accountassumes that royal confessors normally wielded huge influence,but in fact the situation that he describes applies only toLouis XIV's confessors. This essay attempts to put the riseof the confessor into its historical context from Henri IV'sreign onwards, primarily by attempting to analyse the rivalsand alternatives to the confessor—grand almoners, archbishopsof Paris, cardinal ministers. The solutions that emerged underLouis XIV were in no way inevitable, which may explain why theydid not survive him. The longevity of his confessors in officecontrasts sharply with the fragility of earlier generationsof confessors and reflects the shifts in the roles they playedwithin court and ecclesiastical politics.     

Pierre de Villars: An Ormiste after the Fronde

The historiography of the Fronde (1648-1653) suffers from apaucity of social studies, such that the civil war which toreFrance apart during the minority of Louis XIV is usually presentedas a vain reaction against the rise of absolutism. What canthe fate of the Frondeurs after 1653 tell us in this regard?Pierre de Villars was of the main leaders of the Orméeof Bordeaux. The reconstruction of his career, reflected inthe social connotations of the titles he bore, proves that inspite of the solidity and strength of the protection he enjoyed,he had to pay for defeat by abandoning his earlier ambitions.This outcome alters the perspectives and modifies the analysesthat have traditionally been advanced where these events areconcerned.     

William Penn et l’Abbé de Saint-Pierre: Le chaînon manquant

The two most famous peace projects published at the time of Louis XIV are William Penn’sEssay towards the present and future peace of Europe and Castel de Saint-Pierre’sProjet pour rendre la paix perpétuelle en Europe, which came out in English in 1693, and that of the abbé de Saint-Pierre, which was published in its completed form in several volumes dating from 1713 to 1716. A French translation of Penn’s book was issued in 1697 at the latest and was privately distributed. Our claim is that Saint-Pierre was in some way involved in that translation and that he was indebted to Penn for many of his ideas.     

The French regiment in the Latin East, 1254–91

When St. Louis returned to France in 1254 at the end of his first crusade, he left behind him a force of 100 knights and other soldiers as a contribution to the defence of the Latin Kingdom. This force, which has become known as the French regiment, was maintained by St. Louis and his successors throughout most of the period leading up to the fall of Acre in 1291. The number of troops fluctuated, as did the level of support provided by the French crown. However, the regiment was a useful addition to the kingdom's armies. Its soldiers were involved in much of the military activity during the second half of the thirteenth century. Its leaders, men like Geoffrey of Sergines and John of Grailly, became important figures in the political life of the kingdom.     

塔列朗与法兰西近代民族国家的建立

法兰西近代民族国家建立的进程,开始于1789年的法国大革命,结束于1830年的七月革命。塔列朗的政治活动贯穿于这一进程的始终。他在大革命期间,推动教会资产国有化,参与起草《人权宣言》;在督政府时期,以较新的外交理念促成法国外交部的改革;在拿破仑帝国时期,参与了重要条约的谈判,并力图遏制拿破仑的称霸政策;在波旁王朝复辟时,起草了“1814年宪章”,尽力维护大革命的成果;在七月革命中,抛弃了复辟王朝,支持承认大革命现实的路易.菲利浦登上王位,并出任驻英大使出席伦敦会议,为解决欧洲重大外交问题付出了努力。事实证明,他并非如一般史家所描述的那样,是一个以自身利益为行为准则,没有信仰的政治变色龙,而是一个以法兰西民族国家利益为行为准则的政治家。他为法兰西近代民族国家的建立做出了重大贡献。     

‘The most wonderful piece of machinery the world can boast of:’ The water‐works at Marly, 1680–1830

This article presents the changes in the perception of the famous pumping apparatus at Marly. Constructed in 1680–88 to deliver water to the fountains of the royal palaces, its complicated mechanism and the extraordinary costs involved were at first hailed as symbols for the absolutist splendour of Louis XIV. In the early 18th century, the machine entered the technical compendia of Bélidor, Leupold and Desaguliers, and subsequently became a preferred object for projectors and inventors of all kinds, among them James Watt and Matthew Boulton. During the French Revolution, a new ‘pastoral’ discourse on machines emerged, leading the inventor Trouville to propose his ‘natural hydraulics’ to replace the Marly machine. As an answer, engineers like Carnot and Prony developed a new general theory of machines, which led to an industrial conception of machines. The evaluation of technical devices in terms of efficiency meant that the apparatus at Marly was now perceived as a supreme waste of power.     

The Un-European Idea: Vichy and Eurafrica in the Historiography of Europeanism

Imperialist and collaborationist conceptions of Europeanisms have generally been excluded from mainstream historiography with reference to their alleged un-Europeanness. However, by discussing the ideas and writings of two French Europeanists—Louis Le Fur’s and René Viard’s—in the years 1940–41, I argue that it is precisely their Vichyite and imperialist conceptions of Europeanness that underpin their political ideas of a united Europe. Their works therefore call into question a prevailing historiographical narrative of Europeanism as a benign counterpoint to a dark European past. Since, as demonstrated in this article, French Europeanist visions have often been bound up with both collaborationist and imperialist interests, I argue for the need to develop a more inclusive and critical historiographical perspective on the history of Europeanism.     

路易十四派遣“皇家数学家”传教士来华的背景

17世纪,葡萄牙国力日渐衰败,令其无法再从经济上支持传教士的东方拓展之旅,这不仅让罗马教廷颇为不满,而且让欧洲新崛起的法国看到了一个取而代之的机会。当时法国遇到的障碍主要有两个,一是葡萄牙所拥有的保教权;二是罗马教廷所要求的宣誓问题。但是,法国政治、科学和宗教的发展需求,加之暹罗使团的突然来访,让路易十四最终决定派遣有皇家科学院通讯院士之称的耶稣会士跟随暹罗使团前往东方。这些耶稣会士便是在中法交流史上赫赫有名的"皇家数学家"。     

The ‘schemes’ of Piero de' Pazzi and the conflict with the Medici (1461–2)

This article opens up an important but overlooked chapter in the political and diplomatic history of Florence, as well as that of fifteenth-century Franco-Italian relations more broadly. In late 1461, the city of Florence elected ambassadors to go to France to congratulate King Louis XI on his accession to the throne. Intended as a purely ceremonial mission, the Florentine diplomat Piero de' Pazzi ignored his commission and pursued policies that explicitly promoted French interests in Italy. By doing so, Piero sought to improve the standing of his own family, both domestically and abroad, at the expense of the Medici regime in Florence and the anti-French Italian League that the Medici supported. This article offers for the first time a full investigation of a surprisingly early example of tensions between the Medici and the Pazzi, tensions that famously erupted in the Pazzi Conspiracy of 1478.