美国老年移民的社会融入研究 ——密西根州老年华人与墨西哥人的比较视角

论文采取问卷调查、个案访谈和实地考察的形式,从经济生活、政治参与、社会交往、文化认同四个方面,对美国密西根州老年华人和老年墨西哥人这两个移民群体的社会融入情况进行了比较研究。研究发现,两个群体的就业参与率、公民投票率等量化指标要远远低于外来移民的平均水平,文化认同上表现出对母国文化和传统习俗的坚守,社会交往呈现出族群内交往的特征。而两者相比较,老年华人的社会融入程度比老年墨西哥人更低。美国社会中的种族歧视是导致老年华人和老年墨西哥人社会融入程度偏低的外部原因,老年华人与老年墨西哥人的文化背景、价值观念、民族特性是导致其社会融入程度偏低的内部原因。他们往往重视经济利益而忽视政治权利,坚守文化认同而疏于社会参与,缺乏融入美国社会的环境和动力,从而形成了美国社会中的"隔坨"和"平行社会"。     

缅甸中、印移民同化问题比较分析

移民同化于当地是一种多维的社会互动过程,其表现和影响因素是多方面的。近代以来迁移缅甸的华人和印度移民同化于当地的情况是不同的。本文从语言、宗教信仰、生活习俗和族际通婚四个方面概述了华人和印度人的同化情况,认为华人比印度人更快同化于当地。本文也分析了影响二者同化程度不同的原因,认为主要是二者在人口、经济、移民性质、宗教信仰、种姓、偏见、体质等七个方面的差异所致。作者指出,上述七个影响因素并不单独具有绝对的解释力,它们相互交织,彼此作用,形成影响华人和印度人同化情况不同的合力。     

美国华人社会的阶级研究——以个人访谈为主的分析

针对美国华人研究领域里阶级或阶级关系这个概念几乎被忽略的现象,阐述了阶级观念在华人社会中的发展及表现形式;分析了移民社会中美国华人的阶级和阶级观念的特点、阶级在华人社会中的重要性与华人社会本身的多元化的关系以及华人社会中非法移民的生存状态和阶级地位。得出结论,第二次世界大战以后,随着美国华裔社会的逐步多元化,华人的阶级观念不仅没有减弱,反而有增强的趋势,他们对于阶级的认识也表现得更为复杂化。除财富之外,美国华人对于阶级的认同还取决于家庭出身、移民背景、同化程度以及法律身份等多种因素。     

文化冲突与跨国迁移群体的适应策略——以南非中国新移民群体为例

论文运用田野调查的方法,选择南非的中国新移民作为研究对象,介绍了20世纪90年代以来南非中国新移民群体的概况,阐释了中国新移民在南非遭遇的文化冲突以及他们的适应策略。研究发现,中国新移民在基本价值、家庭观念、消费观念等方面与南非人有明显的冲突,新移民群体对＂南非文化＂持一种＂保持距离＂的态度。具体体现在居住区域、社会交往和通婚等方面。同时,同质性强的中国新移民身处介于同质与异质之间的社会空间,对南非文化仍有明显的隔阂。     

加拿大华人和印度人政治参与比较研究 ——以近两次联邦大选为例

论文梳理了加拿大华人和印度人政治地位的变迁历程,以2015年和2019年两次联邦大选为观察对象,比较分析了加拿大的华人和印度人在选举参与和政治融入方面的状况。研究发现,加拿大的华人和印度人的参政状况都有明显改善,在最近两次大选中取得可喜成果,这与移民教育程度和社会经济地位的提升密切相关。比较而言,华人的政治代表水平、政治融入程度和政治影响力与印度人存在较大差距。族群的政治社会化水平是导致两者参政效果差异的核心变量。华人缺乏熟谙选举规则和竞选话语策略的政治精英、高效动员力和宗教凝聚力的族裔组织、较强政治效能感的族群成员以及对政治形势的准确把握和运用,这些因素制约着华人有效参与加拿大政治活动。     

《荣誉至上:南非华人身份认同研究》出版

正由美籍韩裔学者朴尹正撰写的《荣誉至上:南非华人身份认同研究》一书,于2004年9月由广东人民出版社出版。本书以作者博士论文为基础,立足于在南非田野调查和第一手资料,以认同为主线,考察南非华人的社会认同——种族、族群、文化和国家认同问题,并借此追溯新一代华人移民的认同轨迹。在种族差异和分裂的南非,微小族裔群体的认同建构充满了挑战,使得华裔南非人的认同建构复杂化。本书试图揭示华人如何应对认同建构带来的挑战,探讨他们如何与主体族群黑人和手     

印尼华人穆斯林社团初探

论文梳理了印尼华人穆斯林社团的发展脉络;阐述了印尼华人穆斯林社团在反对种族歧视活动和社会慈善活动以及中印尼之间的宗教文化交流中的作用。认为印尼华人穆斯林社团在印尼1998年以来的民主改革新形势下有了新的发展。其利用自身的优势,积极开展各种社会慈善活动,反对种族歧视,塑造华人穆斯林特有的文化认同,在中印尼宗教文化交流中发挥了窗口和示范作用,成为沟通华人社会与当地穆斯林社会、构筑多元和谐印尼社会的重要力量。     

共同体精神与海外华人社团的整合——以南非华人警民合作中心为例

论文运用个案研究方法,以南非华人警民合作中心为研究对象,以共同体精神为理论分析视角,从南非中国新移民群体特征、中国新移民在南非的社会处境、海外华人共同体精神等社会结构性因素,分析了该社团形成与发展的社会结构性因素。本研究认为,南非警民中心的成立,是以联合南非侨界各个同乡会、商会社团为基础的,因此,警民中心的基础仍然是华侨华人的血缘、地缘、业缘关系,通过民间与政府的跨国合作,在跨国空间中营造一种"同是中国人"的"命运共同体",从而加强彼此的团结与合作。它的形成与发展凝聚了华侨华人的共同体精神,是跨国新移民为适应移居地社会环境而采取的一种自我保护方式。     

海外华人研究的地位

在今天中国之外的华人中,生长在不同国家或地区者之间有着明显的不同。例如,美国土生华人对世界的看法就与新的中国移民或东南亚华裔的再移民不一样。在西欧、印度、朝鲜或日本、斐济、澳大利亚、新西兰、大溪地或毛里求斯等有一定规模的定居华人社会里,情况也相似,而这些社会里的华人又与那些新近直接从香港、台湾或中华人民共和国来的移民不同。     

马来西亚城市华人移民就业情况研究——基于2005年在马来西亚实地调查的分析

基于2005年在马来西亚吉隆坡和新山实地调查获得的资料,从城市移民在行业分布、职位、就业或经营途径、收入和政府经济政策等各个方面的情况,探讨了华人与马来人城市移民的不同遭遇,比较了华人移民在吉隆坡和新山这两个不同类型城市中的不同境遇。得出结论:城市新移民中马来人比华人获得了更多的政策扶持和发展机会,但华人比马来人拥有更多的投资方式和自己的企业,在城市中华人比马来人受访者的月收入要略高一些;在不同的领域,华人新移民在新山和在吉隆坡的就业或商业机会不同。     

‘Between Two Fires’: Racial Populism,Indian Resistance and the Beginnings of Satyagraha in the Transvaal, 1902–06

In revisiting the historical circumstances leading up to the birth of satyagraha in the Transvaal in September 1906, this article seeks to place white popular protests against Asians within the same frame of analysis as Indian active nonviolence. In doing so it makes two interrelated arguments. First, I suggest that the evolution of satyagraha is better understood when examined in tandem with racial populism. Indian resistance to Transvaal laws was forged in a hostile, violent and racially charged environment. Gandhi and his followers were well aware of the power of white populism and its political influence over the Transvaal administration, and came to realise that some form of mass action of their own would be needed to counter this influence and achieve their political objectives. Second, I argue that it was the express intention of both white racial populists and the Gandhian resistance movement to exploit the competing imperial priorities of the Transvaal and British governments. The widespread agitation led by the White League and other organisations threatened the stability and authority of the colonial state; and so governors Milner and Selborne sought to appease settler opinion by enacting discriminatory legislation. However, London’s and Calcutta’s sensitivity to prejudice directed against British Indians in southern Africa also opened the door to anti-colonial protest, with Gandhi and his supporters generating support and sympathy in Britain and India by agitating for the repeal of unjust laws. The Transvaal administration was therefore forced to pick its way between white populists, Indian protesters, and imperial oversight and censure; and its anti-Indian policies were shaped by these contradictory pressures.     

The construction of a "population problem" in colonial India, 1919-1947

This article examines the construction of a "population problem" among public health officials in India during the inter-war period. British colonial officials came to focus on India's population through their concern with high Indian infant and maternal mortality rates. They raised the problem of population as one way in which to highlight the importance of dealing with public health at an all-India basis, in a context of constitutional devolution of power to Indians where they feared such matters would be relegated to relative local unimportance. While they failed to significantly shape government policy, their arguments in support of India's 'population problem' nevertheless found a receptive audience in the colonial public sphere among Indian intellectuals, economists, eugenicists, women social reformers and birth controllers. The article contributes to the history of population control by situating its pre-history in British colonial public health and development policy and outside the logic of USA's Cold War strategic planning for Asia.     

Social divisions carved in stone or cenotaphs to a new identity? Policy for memorials,monuments and statues in a democratic South Africa

Popular protests in 2015 in South Africa around statues and memorials, sparked off by the #RhodesMustFall campaign, drew attention to heritage policy and practice in the country since the advent of democracy in 1994. The protests and commentary in social and other media revealed the extent of polarisation along racial fault lines in South African society. They also exposed the apparent failure of official policy implemented for more than 20 years of promoting heritage for the purposes of nation building and social cohesion. Numerous writers have analysed heritage in South Africa since the transition to democracy, but none has traced the details of the evolution of heritage policy within the ruling party and government. This study seeks to shed light on the current debates on the politics of heritage in South Africa by examining the various policy processes and practices within the ruling African National Congress and the government. It argues that many of the heritage practices and policies in South Africa are rooted in the apartheid past and that failure, especially by decision-makers, to critically interrogate these has led to the stunted transformation of society and the current ferment.     

‘To Save a Soul’: Catholic Mission Schools,Apartheid, and the 1953 Bantu Education Act

The Bantu Education Act of 1953 was enacted by the government of South Africa to bring about the election promise of apartheid (separateness) among the races. For the Roman Catholic Church in South Africa, the Education Act was a direct attack on its apostolic work in the country as the church was responsible for educating 15 per cent of the black student population by 1953. Regardless of the Catholic contribution to South Africa’s educational system, the church was viewed as a threat — die Roomse gevaar — to its architects of apartheid. Catholic precepts regarding the unity of the human race under “the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of man” and the belief in the equality of all people as children of God challenged the apartheid ideology of racial separateness and differentiation. Eliminating Catholic control of Bantu education would neutralise the Roman threat. Passage of the Education Act left church leaders with two choices: fight or surrender. They chose to fight, launching the “Catholic Bishops’ Campaign for Mission Schools and Seminaries” in 1955. Although overlooked by most scholars, the campaign was an important part of a larger resistance movement that challenged the legitimacy of the apartheid regime in the 1950s.     

Passports,Citizenship, Residency and Asylum: The Meanings of Decolonisation in Lesotho

In late colonial Basutoland and early independence Lesotho, the issue of who could access citizenship rights and passports became increasingly important. Political refugees fleeing apartheid South Africa took up passports on offer in the territory to further their political work. Basotho residents also took up passports in increasing numbers as a way of safeguarding their economic, social and political rights on both sides of the border. The lure of a Citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies (CUKC) passport drew refugees to Basutoland in the early 1960s, but it was South Africa’s decision to leave the Commonwealth in 1961 that spurred many in Lesotho to formalise their imperial citizenship as well, even as independence for Lesotho became increasingly likely. The stories of those taking up papers illuminate how citizenship became a space for contestation between individuals and governments. The stories also show how the concept of the transfer of power does not accurately reflect the ways in which the sovereignty of newly independent African states, apartheid South Africa and the United Kingdom were all limited by a series of decisions made in the late colonial period. Tracing these stories helps us better understand the limitations of the term ‘decolonisation’ for reflecting the understandings and complications of citizenship in 1960s and 1970s southern Africa.     

South Africa in world development: Prospects for a human economy (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

South Africa was once notorious for an extreme system of racial inequality known as apartheid. It is still a world leader in economic inequality, but the racial situation is confused. In the meantime something like apartheid has become universal. The Southern African regional economy has some features that point to a more humane alternative to unequal society, to a “human economy”. The world needs a new free trade movement that would begin to dismantle the institutions of national privilege and insist on movement as a human right.     

Maria's Burden: Contract Cleaning and the Crisis of Social Reproduction in Post‐apartheid South Africa

The life of Maria Dlamini, a contract cleaner at the University of the Witwatersrand, is used to explore continuities and discontinuities between the apartheid labour regime and the neoliberal, post‐apartheid order in South Africa. As South African institutions have adopted neoliberal market strategies, the growth in the contracting‐out of cleaning has intensified work and reduced wages and benefits for many workers. Significantly, as was the case with the migrant labor system under apartheid, it has also increasingly displaced the burden of social reproduction onto the households and communities of the working poor. Whereas the racial spatial order under apartheid was dictated by national‐level political decisions, through use of the concept of “boundary drawing”, we show how the language of the market justifies new exclusions based upon the micro‐politics of the “rational” restructuring of institutions such as universities.     

South Africa,the world and AIDS (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

South Africa has been at the centre of world history for over a century and it is now the focus of all eyes for the World Cup. The country has been a by‐word for racial inequality and more recently for crime and violence. But it is also notable for social progress and cultural vitality. The HIV/AIDS epidemic has claimed more victims there than anywhere else, a tragic sequel to apartheid. Successive political leaders highlight the contradictions of this historical moment in poignant, even Shakespearean ways. The author briefly reviews three books by anthropologists on AIDS there and suggests that South Africa is likely to remain a source of innovation for the discipline. But we need to take a broader view of world history than at present.     

Campaigning Against Apartheid: The Rise,Fall and Legacies of the South Africa United Front 1960–1962

ABSTRACT

The international struggle against apartheid that emerged during the second half of the twentieth century made the system of legalised racial oppression in South Africa one of the world’s great moral causes. Looking back at the anti-apartheid struggle, a defining characteristic was the scope of the worldwide efforts to condemn, co-ordinate, and isolate the country. In March 1961, the international campaign against apartheid achieved its first major success when Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd chose to withdraw South Africa from the Commonwealth following vocal protests at the Heads of State Summit held in London. As a consequence, it appeared albeit briefly, that external pressure would effectively serve as a catalyst for achieving far-reaching and immediate political change in South Africa. The global campaign, centred on South Africa remaining in the Commonwealth, was the first of its kind launched by South Africa’s national liberation movements, and signalled the beginning of thirty years of continued protest and lobbying. The contributions from one organisation that had a role in launching and co-ordinating this particular transnational campaign, the South Africa United Front (SAUF), an alliance of liberation groups, have been largely forgotten. Leading members of the SAUF claimed the organisation had a key part in South Africa’s subsequent exit from the Commonwealth, and the purpose of this article is to explore the validity of such assertions, as well as the role and impact it had in generating a groundswell of opposition to apartheid in the early 1960s. Although the SAUF’s demands for South Africa to leave the Commonwealth were ultimately fulfilled, the documentary evidence suggests that its campaigning activities and impact were not a decisive factor; however the long-term significance of the SAUF, and the position it had in the rise of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) has not been fully recognised. As such, the events around the campaign for South Africa’s withdrawal from the Commonwealth act as a microcosm of developments that would define the international struggle against apartheid.     

Liberal,Liminal and Lost: India’s First Diplomats and the Narrative of Foreign Policy

Indian historiography has largely overlooked the contribution of Indian Liberals in the pre-independence era. It is worse in Indian diplomatic history where studies on pre-independence are few and far between. Responding to this double excision, this article traces the emergence of a new Indian narrative of foreign policy around the issues of equality and justice in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. Anchoring their argumentativeness in diplomatic finesse, Indian Liberals such as Satyendra Prasanno Sinha, V. S. Srinivasa Sastri and Tej Bahadur Sapru relentlessly campaigned for racial equality and predominance of the rights of people over the rights of states at the Imperial Conferences. In the articulation of these views, South Africa, a country where ideas about the status of Indians and Indian civilisation were most contested, emerged as the singular foreign policy ‘other’ around which India’s foreign policy narrative was constructed.