Further Understanding of the Local Official Post System of Tibet in the Period of the Republic of China

In the period of the Republic of China, Tibet was in a special historical period of development. The reforms in establishing a Tibetan system for appointment of official positions went through different stages. In the system of the fusion of political and religious affairs, mild reforms were carried out so as to adapt themselves to different social changes and help maintain the situation of Tibet,     

NEW BOOKS

A Study of the Political Landscape of Tibet During the Republic of China Considering the Tibetan political landscape in the early stages of the Qing Dynasty in conjunction with an analysis of the structure of the local Tibetan government(oligarchy,the two reincarnation systems:the Dalai system and Panchen system,both the secular and the clerical groups,the Dalai and his regent),Dr.Li Zhinong expounds his views on the relationship between local government and the central government.He comments that under ...     

Issues Related to Refugees,Illegal Immigration,Human Trafficking From Tibet Autonomous Region of China

Friendly relations, including trade and other intercourses between Nepal and the Tibetan Region of China have beenmaintained since ancient time. After the People's Republic of China was founded in 1949 and a 'Seventeen-Article Agreement on measures for the peaceful liberation of Tibet' was signed between the Central People's Government and the local government of Tibet in 1951, Nepal     

From Academic Nitpicking to a =New Culture Movement＇： How Newspapers Turned Academic Debates into the Center of ~May Fourth＂

Abstract In early 1919, people like Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu were regarded as members of an ivory-tower ＂academic faction＂ （xuepai）, embroiled in a debate with an opposing ＂faction.＂ After the May Fourth demonstrations, they were praised as the stars of a ＂New Culture Movement.＂ However, it was not obvious how the circle around Hu Shi and Chert Duxiu was associated with the May Fourth demonstrations. This link hinged on the way in which newspapers like Shenbao reported about the academic debates and the political events of May Fourth. After compartmentalizing the debating academics into fixed xuepai, Shenbao ascribed warlord-political allegiances to them. These made the Hu-Chen circle look like government victims and their ＂factional＂ rivals like the warlords＇ allies. When the atmosphere became hostile to the government during May Fourth, Hu Shi＇s ＂faction＂ became associated with the equally victimized May Fourth demonstrators. Their ideas were regarded as （now popular） expressions of anti-government sentiment, and soon this was labeled the core of the ＂New Culture Movement.＂ The idea and rhetoric of China＇s ＂New Culture Movement＂ in this way emerged out of the fortuitous concatenation of academic debates, newspaper stories, and political events.     

From Democracy to Bureaucracy： The Baojia in Nationalist Thought and Practice, 1927-1949

In the 1939 New County Reforms, the Nationalist government made the baojia system the lowest level of self-government in the country. This decision was the result of more than ten years of discussion among Nationalist administrators and writers who were searching for a tutelary system to train the people in their political rights in preparation for constitutional rule. In the 1920s and 1930s, Nationalist writers claimed to be following Sun Zhongshan＇s （Sun Yat-sen） philosophy by reinventing the baojia as a form of democracy. Harkening back to a reimagined national past, they ＂discovered＂ that the imperial baojia was not a system of local control, but a traditional model of bureaucratically-designed local self-government. Nationalist writers dovetailed this new baojia with Sun Zhongshan＇s philosophy in order to rationalize its position as the foundation of the Three Principles of the People State. Once philosophically legitimized, Nationalist writers endorsed the baojia as a top-down bureaucratic system that would transform the political, social, and economic life of the country; it would become the core political unit of their state-making and nation-building projects. In so doing, the baojia came to represent the Nationalists＇ deeply-held belief in the power of human agency to create state institutions capable of entirely remaking society and transforming the nation.     

Introduction: Remolding Chinese Society: People,Cadres, and Mass Campaigns in the 1950s and 1960s

This special issue grows out of a shared research interest in the state-building process during the formative years of the People's Republic of China (roughly defined,1949-66) and its profound political,social,economic,and cultural consequences.Five articles in this issue demonstrate that the Communist Party ot China made a great effort to mobilize different political constituents,social classes,professional groups,and cultural communities to consolidate its rule and advance its revolutionary agendas.Governing a deeply diverse and discontented society,the Party created a system of control and mobilization based on the combined mechanisms of political indoctrination,bureaucratic intervention,neighborhood surveillance,and social voluntarism.Communist rule in the 1950s and early 1960s created new cultural forms,business practices,and a new framework under which the party-state's political agenda and bureaucratic apparatus interacted with individual lives.     

Strand,David,An Unfinished Republic: Leading by Word and Deed in Modern China

Mobility and mutability;appeals for public support;desires to construct public opinion;claims to reflect the public will.Thus does David Strand describe the early years of the Republic of China from about 1912 to 1924,when political institutions failed but a republican political culture was nonetheless established.Mobility refers to activists and politicians and soldiers who moved all around the country and sometimes abroad,and mutability to their capacity to take on different roles,from conspirator to journalist to senator.Strand's richly textured study conveys the political passions of this period,and argues that it shaped how voices would be subsequently raised against even the harshest political oppression.     

萨迦派(英文)

<正>Since its founding in the 11^th century,the Sa-skya-pa has been part of Tibetan Buddhism.In the 13^th and 14^th centuries,this sect developed into a dominant political power.Its leader was even appointed to an office in the central government that was responsible for administrating Buddhist affairs in all of China.Historically,this leader played a role in Tibet’s surrender to Mongolia during the Yuan Dynasty in the middle of the 13^th century.     

Dabringhaus,Sabine,Geschichte Chinas im 20. Jahrhundert(History of China in the Twentieth Century)

The book under review here,which is a continuation of Sabine Dabringhaus's last book,Geschichte Chinas:1279-1949 (History of China:1279-i949,Munich:Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag,2009),does not aim to simply describe modern China nor to provide a simple list of historical events,rather,it aims to provide an understanding of China in the twentieth century.Dabringhaus ingeniously incorporates this "huge challenge" within a framework that distinguishes ten "distinctive periods" within the time span of the book,and addresses "aspects of continuity," including "the connection of the Chinese system of government to the ideological beliefs of China,its dominating leadership of political elites,and its nationwide bureaucratic control" (p.9).     

再论西姆拉会议

Early in the period of the Republic of China, in August 1913, the Government of the Republic of China headed by Yuan Shikai sent a delegation to participate in tripartite talks in British India between China, Britain and Tibet. This was under pressure from the British Government and the aim was to “solve” the socalled Tibetan issue. Being held in Simla, the conference was remembered by history as the Simla Conference. After long-drawn-out negotiations, no agreement was reached. The conference ended in failure the following July。     

Further Comments on the Simla Conference

Early in the period of the Republic of China,inAugust 1913,the Government of the Republic of Chinaheaded by Yuan Shikai sent a delegation to participatein tripartite talks in British India between China,Brit-ain and Tibet.This was under pressure from the Brit-ish Government and the aim was to“solve”the so-called Tibetan issue.Being held in Simla,the confer-ence was remembered by history as the SimlaConference.After long-drawn-out negotiations,noagreement was reached.The conference ended in fail-     

On Khral-Ula Corvée System during the Period of the Old Local Government in Tibet (bKav-shag)

As both the economic pillar of the manor estates of feudal lords and the financial mainstay of the old local government of Tibet, Khral-Ula corvee reflected the political and economic relationship between feudal lords, serfs and herdsmen, the economic relations within the ruling regime, and the political and economic relationship between the local government and the Central Government in old Tibet. This paper intends to discuss the formation and basic features of     

Discuss for the view that“media representation of crime serve fundamentally as a form of social control”

Media with the Politics
It＇ s not fresh news to anyone of us that the politics can use the media as an efficient strategy to present themselves and their political views. With the rapid development of the mass media and communications, it offers political figures to employ the strategies of symbolic construction with the purpose of presenting and promoting themselves in front of the audience （Schlesinger and Tnmber, 1994）. With the purpose of keeping public orders and reduce the crime rate, the media plays a very important role in .＇broadcasting＇ the ＇advertising＇ for the government,     

Stepping into the Public World： Cases of Guixiu Philanthropic Activities in Late Qing China

This article explores the of certain elite women during late little-known public philanthropic activities Qing China. By examining contemporary newspapers, it traces the new development of women＇s philanthropic engagement and further analyzes two cases, one on disaster relief and the other on women＇s education, to illustrate the issues, controversies and achievements that went along with women＇s philanthropy. It demonstrates how philanthropy, a traditionally-sanctioned field for women＇s activism, legitimatized women to move out of domestic seclusion and reposition themselves in the public sphere in a crucial transitional era when for ＂good women＂ to appear in public was something hotly debated, and how through philanthropic opportunities some were able to engage with political affairs. The broad social impact of their initiatives suggests the continued importance of traditional elite women during China＇s transition to the modern era; it challenges some of our previous notions, which often unthinkingly accepted the verdict of ＂New Women＂ that those who did not embrace their path to modernity were parasitic, unproductive, and backward. By looking carefully at philanthropy, the article reveals fascinating issues and rich details of women＇s public activities that previous historical narratives have often overlooked. It helps to understand how reconfigured traditions became essential components of modernity in the development of modern Chinese gender roles. It also adds a gender perspective to the burgeoning historiography on Chinese philanthropy.     

A PERSPECTIVE OF THE SENATUS CONSULTUM ULTIMUM IN THE LATE ROMAN REPUBLIC FROM THE CONSTITUTIONAL POINT OF VIEW

During the severe crises which terminated in the violent deaths of Tiberius Gracchus, Gaius Gracchus and Satuminus with their companions in 133, 121,and 100 B.C. respectively, the Senate developed a drastic measure of crisis management, i.e. the senatus consultum ultimum. Its literal meaning was the supreme resolution of the Senate, but actually, it was an emergency measure issued by the Senate in the name of defending the commonwealth. Its effectiveness simply derived from the assertion that the commonwealth, or to be more accurate, the domestic political order, was in jeopardy. Though it was repeatedly used in domestic conflicts and played an important role in the political life of the late Roman Republic, its legality was none the less argued by the contemporaries.     

On the Relationship between the Central Government and the Local Government of Tibet in the Late Qing Dynasty

After the Opium War in 1840, China was more and more semi-colonized. Around the turn of the 20th century, the national strength of the Qing Empire was quickly weakening. As a result, the Qing Court exercised a weaker rule over Tibet, and its political relationship with Tibet was consequently affected. On the problems of how to resist foreign invasions and how to handle Tibet's internal affairs, the Qing Court and     

STRIVING AHEAD WITH JOINED HANDS TOWARDS PROSPERITY

On the occasion to celebrate the 20th anniversary of national support workon TAR in China, Lozang Gyaltsen, Chairman of the government of TAR was interviewed by this Journal. Reporter： One after another, the central government has called five national working conferences on TAR in order to promote its stability and development. As a result,     

-CHINA GUANGCAI PROGRAM IN TIBET HELD IN LHASA

The activity of China Guangcai Program in Tibet, jointly organized by China Guangcai Society and the government of Tibet Autonomous Region, was held in Lhasa from August 4 to 5, 2013. More than 600 enterprises from 30 provinces all over the country took part in the activity. o During the activity, 229 contracts were signed with a total investment of 361.31 billion Yuan. China Guangcai Founda tion donated 18 million Yuan for the construction of Senior＇s House in Chushur County. China Minsheng Bank donated 40 million Yuan in the next four years for the treatment of children with congenital heart disease in Tibet. Qizheng Tibetan Medicine Co., Ltd donated 11 million Yuan to build a cultural institute in Lhundrup County and two Tibetan clinics respectively in Nagqu and Nyingchi.     

Messengers In Tibetan History

The year 1920 saw the establishment of a post office in Tibet. It was located in Daingyiling in Lhasa. Stamps were produced by the Zhaxi United Factory and postmen were called ＂Zhawa＂ in Tibetan. The major post road, with Lhasa as the center, reached Gongbogyangda in east, Yadong in south, and scores of post stations were set up along the road. The major work of the postmen was carrying private mail and remittances, etc. on foot; while official documents of the local government were mainly sent by professional postmen （Ngazong in Tibetan） hired by the government.     

Recalling the War in China： The Dahoufang Project in Chongqing and the Restoration of a Legacy

This article presents a rare inside view of a unique project currently underway in China to study and preserve the memory of possibly the single most seminal event in Chinese modern history, the War of Resistance against Japan （1937-45）. The article introduces a multi-faceted program to preserve the wartime cultural heritage; the work is ongoing in the thriving western metropolis of Chongqing, once China＇s bomb-torn wartime capital and international Allied command center. It describes how, seven decades after World War II, scholars, cultural workers, government experts, and artists in China are joining hands in an unprecedented, all-encompassing project to record, restore, and recount the extraordinary legacy of China＇s War of Resistance in its local, as well as national and global contexts.