首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 109 毫秒
1.
田海舰 《攀登》2009,28(4):46-49
人民民主是社会主义的生命,是社会主义政治的核心价值。民主的实质就是人民的统治、人民的治理、人民的选择。作为一种价值理念,民主是人类梦寐以求的理想目标和始终不渝的价值追求。资产阶级民主和无产阶级民主有着本质区别和不同的历史命运。当前,必须扩大社会主义民主,建设社会主义法治国家,发展社会主义政治文明。  相似文献   

2.
党的十八大以来,社会主义协商民主逐渐成为学术界研究的热点,涌现出了很多优秀理论成果。分别表现在社会主义协商民主的逻辑起点研究、社会主义协商民主理论内涵研究、社会主义协商民主理论基础研究、社会主义协商民主价值研究方面。但现有研究多侧重于宏观视角,对基层协商民主关注较少。今后应在协商民主与中国传统文化的关联性、协商民主精准化、顶层设计和基层探索相结合、规范协商过程的程序化、重视协商主体的建设等领域加强研究。  相似文献   

3.
《攀登》2014,(1)
中国共产党十八大报告第一次明确提出了社会主义协商民主的概念,表明中国共产党开始在自身实践的基础上,在民主政治领域开始构建自己的理论体系和话语体系。社会主义协商民主进一步发展和完善的六个主要发展方向为:进一步构建社会主义协商民主的政治文化基础;推进社会主义协商民主的制度化;发挥群众路线对社会主义协商民主的引领作用;加强政协的社会主义协商民主的主要平台作用;创新社会主义协商民主的实现形式;拓展社会主义协商民主的协商领域。  相似文献   

4.
李勇 《攀登》2014,(1):78-83
中国共产党十八大报告第一次明确提出了社会主义协商民主的概念,表明中国共产党开始在自身实践的基础上,在民主政治领域开始构建自己的理论体系和话语体系.社会主义协商民主进一步发展和完善的六个主要发展方向为:进一步构建社会主义协商民主的政治文化基础;推进社会主义协商民主的制度化;发挥群众路线对社会主义协商民主的引领作用;加强政协的社会主义协商民主的主要平台作用;创新社会主义协商民主的实现形式;拓展社会主义协商民主的协商领域.  相似文献   

5.
加强社会主义民主政治建设,必须从以下三个方面着手:一是增强全民的民主意识,营造浓厚的民主氛围;二是坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的有机统一,这是发展社会主义民主政治的根本和关键;三是坚持和完善人民代表大会制度、共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,使中国特色的社会主义民主政治的优势充分发挥出来。  相似文献   

6.
张志超 《神州》2011,(7):87-88,90
随着有中国特色的社会主义建设不断发展,随着制度改革的全面展开和不断深入,进行新时期社会主义民主政治建设已成当务之急。本文试图从怎样进行社会主义民主政治建设,怎样才能保证我国的社会主义民主政治建设正确健康发展入手,进行社会主义民主政治建设的理论探索。  相似文献   

7.
马晓红 《攀登》2010,29(3):24-29
中国特色社会主义民主政治建设经历了制度奠基与道路探索、重新开启与理论拓展、稳步推进与理论创新、历史新起点与理论新发展的历史过程。伴随着这一过程,中国社会主义民主政治建设理论也在不断完善和升华。回顾并梳理中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的历史脉络,系统阐释中国民主政治建设理论,总结其经验,对于继续推进中国特色社会主义民主政治建设进程,具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

8.
王芳 《黑龙江史志》2013,(14):74-76
正确认识和处理基层民主与党内民主的关系,是当前推动政治体制改革、发展社会主义民主政治、建设社会主义政治文明所面临的重大问题。基层民主与党内民主是社会主义民主政治的两个基本方面,两个民主建设是相辅相成,互为补充,不可分离的有机体。完善基层民主是将民主政治从外围向中心推进的过程,把民主从地方向中央推进的进程;而发展党内民主则是由核心向外围辐射的过程,从中央向基层扩散的进程。以无锡基层民主与党内民主的实践为例,进行个案研究,为推进中国特色民主政治进程提供宝贵经验和有益探索。  相似文献   

9.
民主社会主义作为世界社会主义运动的一种潮流,一种运动,是当今世界政治舞台上重要的政治力量之一。对科学社会主义和民主社会主义进行比较研究,不仅有利于认清民主社会主义的实质,丰富和完善我们对社会主义的认识,对我们毫不动摇地坚持和发展中国特色社会主义也有着重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

10.
马晓红 《攀登》2008,27(2):24-27
认识和看待民主社会主义,应本着马克思主义实事求是的态度,坚持马克思主义辩证唯物主义的科学方法,把民主社会主义置于欧洲特定的社会历史背景中去考察,了解民主社会主义存在的历史合理性,以避免主观偏颇;把民主社会主义置于科学社会主义的理论体系中去考察,把握民主社会主义的非马克思主义本质属性,以划清其与科学社会主义的界限,避免是非不清;把民主社会主义置于中国现实国情背景中去考察,明确不能走此发展道路的缘由,以坚定走中国特色社会主义道路的信念,避免信念动摇。  相似文献   

11.
本文以日本银行在2010年10月到2013年4月间所实施的货币政策作为研究对象,通过考察日本银行的资产负债表规模以及结构的变动,认为上述期间日本银行所实施的货币政策属于非传统货币政策中的信贷宽松货币政策。之后再基于事件研究法,通过考察日本银行货币政策公告以及相关的资产价格变动,定量地分析了日本银行所实施的信贷宽松货币政策对于国债市场产生了较为有效的刺激作用,而对股票市场和外汇市场作用不明显。  相似文献   

12.
BOOK REVIEW     
This article examines the transition from cultural industries to creative industries policies in the English regions between 1980 and 2010. It argues that audio-visual policy in this period is best understood as a trajectory: the gradual, differentiated, contested, but overall coherent development of a policy discourse and corresponding institutional structure. This trajectory can be mapped onto the wider political economy of the period: the transition from social-democratic reformism to neo-liberalism at the end of the 1970s and up to the present. This process has resulted in audio-visual policy being determined to a large degree by the perceived needs of commercial interests, up to the point where regional cultural policy is virtually indistinguishable from economic policy. The transition from cultural to creative industries reflects the development of the neo-liberal state in which cultural policy has been instrumentalised within the larger project of the privatisation of public assets and the shift of relative power from labour to capital.  相似文献   

13.
This article investigates how presidential policy attention is allocated across policy tools and whether there is a channeling of tool use by policy area. I also examine whether there is evidence of disproportionate information processing within presidential policy attention allocation and whether it is common across presidential policy tools. Presidential messages, hearings on administrations' legislative proposals, amicus briefs, and executive orders are employed to capture presidential policy tools. The allocation of attention via these four instruments is examined from 1957–2007 in the policy areas of defense and foreign affairs, macroeconomics, banking and commerce, civil rights, law and crime, and labor and immigration. I find that there is a canalization of presidential policy attention by instrument, and that the opportunity structure of policy tools shapes attention allocation. Additionally, I find evidence for punctuated equilibrium theory in the allocation of presidential policy attention via these four tools. When presidents do shift their attention to an issue area, they often attack the issue with some coordination of their policy instruments.  相似文献   

14.
The purpose of the Defense Budget Process is to produce a force structure to support national security policy. To accomplish this task, the Department of Defense has designed a system built around planning, programming and budgeting and zero based budgeting. However, while these two systems help to marry policy and force structure, for several interrelated reasons the fit is far from perfect. These reasons include: resource constraints; inadequate guidance; length of the budget process; the size scope, controllability and impact of the defense budget; inadequate decision making methodology; past decisions; and domestic political constituencies.  相似文献   

15.
Understanding how preferences for public policy instruments shape policy support helps policymakers to design policies that begin to tackle large-scale and complex problems, such as climate change. Climate change policies generate both local and global costs and benefits, which affect the public's policy preferences. In this article we investigate the role of perceived conditional cooperation and distributive concerns on climate policy attitude formation. We identify a range of climate policies and test public opinion for adoption of these policies at different scales of government. The important theoretical distinction is the scale-driven distributional nature of policy costs and benefits as well as concerns regarding the cooperation of other actors. We use data from Sweden and a conjoint experimental design where we vary level of government, type of policy, and the targeted group. We find evidence that people support policies when costs are shared broadly. We also find that support for climate policy is conditional on expected policy adoption by other units of government at various scales. This implies that unpopular climate policies might be more popular if the funding structure of the policy allows for binding policy and that the cost-sharing is taking place at higher levels of government.  相似文献   

16.
This paper addresses the complexities involved in developing cultural policies in the Anglophone Caribbean. The first section examines the evolution of the cultural policy agenda in the 40‐odd years since the independence era. It traces and analyses the policy trajectory from one that sought to promote the intrinsic values of culture, to one that currently espouses the more instrumental value of the cultural industries. The next section analyses the efficacy of the policy path by examining a regional cultural policy initiative, the Caribbean Festival for the Arts (CARIFESTA). The paper suggests that the Caribbean cultural policies have under performed because of critical disjunctures. These generally involve the imposition of a nationalistic policy framework on the transnational structure of the Caribbean cultural sector. The paper concludes by suggesting a regional cultural approach to policy formulation can provide a more effective mechanism to encourage and harness the cultural wealth of the Anglophone Caribbean.  相似文献   

17.
A theory that areal variations in economic development in the USSR (analyzed at the oblast level for most republics) depend on regional economic structure, economic policy, cultural factors, and the center-periphery dichotomy is tested via simple regression analysis, using retail sales per capita as the indicator of economic level. The independent variables are: share of urban population (for economic structure), investments (for economic policy), percentage of Moslem population (for the cultural factor), and distance from Moscow (for the periphery effect). All of these variables except distance were significant in explaining the real variation in retail sales per capita.  相似文献   

18.
国洪梅 《史学集刊》2004,(3):62-65,88
新政时期,罗斯福总统在扩大政府规模的过程中,通过“政治庇护制”任命文官,使行政部门特别是行政部门中的“政治文官”以多种方式直接参与立法和政策的制订,自主地执行联邦政府的政策,导致美国文官政治化倾向的加强。这种现象不仅源于政治与行政的特殊关系,源于“政治文官”自身的优势,也源于美国特殊的政治体制和社会结构。  相似文献   

19.
区域政策强度是政府投入影响区域经济格局的政策变量值的大小。区域政策强度的影响因素可分为政策自身内容和政策背景属性两类,前者主要考察政策工具体系,后者则主要考察区域政策的影响范围和政策实施保障能力。在此基础上提出区域政策强度定量化的指标体系,据此定量考察区域政策强度值的时空演变规律与特征。以改革开放以来长江三角洲实施的区域开放开发政策作为实证研究样本,经过区域政策强度的定量化分析发现:区域开放开发政策强度具有能级上的差异,不同类型区域政策的强度值变化特征不同,并在时间上呈阶段性和周期性,在空间上由等级梯度向扁平化转变。  相似文献   

20.
Bavaria has achieved a dynamic change in its economic structure since the end of World War II, having evolved in the last four decades from an agricultural to a well-performing modern and service state. A wide variety of R&D-, SME- and infrastructure-oriented industrial policy measures have significantly contributed to the establishment of new small firms and job creation, the modernization of industrial structure as well as the economic and technology development in this German state. Bavarian industrial policy also stresses the subsidiarity principle and the working-together-through-dialogue principle of various groups including government, firms, trade unions, interest groups, etc. This type of loosely defined industrial policy has functioned remarkably well in the Bavarian-specific framework, in which a few large leading firms of international renown, in combination with the strong SME-basis, have played a key role for the rapid development. This study examines some major characteristics of regional industrial policy measures in Germany, taking Bavaria as a successful case.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号