对青海报纸媒介的环境分析

本文结合青海实际,就青海报纸媒介的宏观环境和微观环境进行了分析。宏观上,信息时代的大环境和西部大开发战略的实施,为青海报纸媒介的发展提供了机遇。微观上,报纸数量和品种有了较大增加,结构趋于完善;新闻观念和指导思想发生了变化;内容多样化,报纸功能更全面;报业广告竞争激烈,发行稳步上升;报社硬件改善,新技术应用广泛;报业同互联网接轨,开始树立网站经营意识;报业经济初见端倪,经济效益急需提高;战略意识增强,报业管理走向现代化。这又对青海报纸媒介的发展提出了挑战。     

建立跨世纪报业集团刍议

这是青海日报社总编辑、本刊名誉社长赵得录同志在六年前撰写的学术论文。文章以超前的思路、鲜明的观点、严密的逻辑,阐述了在我国建立报业集团是“经济规律所迫,时代要求所需”的敏锐见解,并以大量翔实的资料分析了国内外组建报业集团的成功经验,论证了我省报业向集团化发展的必要性和可能性。六年来,这篇论文的思路对青海报业的发展起到了良好的导向作用。本刊征得作者同意,将这篇论文在本期刊出,意在能给更多的人以启示,推进青海报刊业向集团化迈进的步伐。     

关于青海法制建设问题的思考

法能够保障社会的进步和促进经济的发展。青海既有自身的优势,又存在着不足的方面。要使青海的经济和社会协调、稳定、健康、有序的发展,加强法制建设就成为必需的手段。     

浅谈青海省广播电视事业的发展

青海广播电视事业经过几代人的努力奋斗,为推进青海经济的发展、提高人民群众的精神文化生活水平起到了积极的作用。但是,在实际工作中,青海广播电视业各方面仍然存在许多问题与不足。只有努力从根本上解决实践中的各种问题,开创广播电视事业发展的新局面,青海广播电视业才能更好地服务于社会。     

报业集团资本运营策略分析

当今,报业经济成为我国传媒经济发展中的重要力量,报业的发展也成为当今传媒业发展的风向标。然而在发展中,资本有效运营的短缺成为制约其进一步发展壮大的重要因素,单纯依靠报业集团自身积累扩充资本已经不能适应迅速成长和发展的需要。本文试结合当前中国报业集团的现实情况,对报业集团资本运营的具体操作做一简要分析。     

关于青海发展高新技术产业的思考

青海是全国经济、科技比较落后的省份,为了缩短差距,创造青海经济与社会发展的新优势,必须加快发展高新技术产业。文章在分析当代世界高新技术产业化趋势的基础上,对青海高新技术产业发展状况进行了剖析,提出了青海发展高新技术产业的对策建议。     

改革开放40年青海藏区党的建设基本经验及启示

改革开放40年来,青海藏区党的建设成效显著,特别是对巩固藏区基层政权,维护藏区社会稳定,促进民族团结进步,繁荣民族文化,发展本地经济等方面发挥了决定性作用。文章通过回顾青海藏区40年党的建设工作实践及青海藏区特殊省情对党建工作的新要求,归纳出青海藏区党建工作的宝贵经验,并提出有益的启示。     

青海发展社会中介组织的必要性

青海作为经济后发展地区,市场化水平较低,中介组织的发展正处于起步阶段。加快和规范青海中介组织的发展,对实施西部大开发,发展区域经济优势,提高青海企业国际竞争能力,加快科技成果转化,实现政府职能转变,适应经济全球化,具有十分重要的战略意义。     

青海藏区生态移民区域稳定发展面临的突出问题及其成因——以三江源生态移民为例

本课题立足青海三江源藏民族生态移民群体社会结构变迁的实际,结合青海三江源藏民族生态移民群体社会经济发展的现状,在前人研究成果的基础上,从政治、经济、文化、宗教信仰等方面,从不同的角度分析目前青海三江源藏民族生态移民群体现状、成效,着重从青海三江源藏民族生态移民群体在社会结构变迁的背景下进行稳定发展所面临的挑战、青海三江源藏民族生态移民区域社会发展滞后的制约因素及健康稳定发展的路径进行分析,并提出了下一步发展的思路。     

落实科学发展观 加快青海生态经济发展

加快青海生态经济发展,是践行科学发展观的重要举措,是青海实现自然生态系统和社会经济系统良性循环的必然选择。要牢固树立科学发展观,走可持续发展之路,因地制宜地发展各种形式的生态经济。同时,依托青海生态资源优势,积极发展生态农牧业和生态文化旅游业,发展生态工业,转变发展方式,实现青海和谐发展。     

网络虚拟财产的法律保护

网络产业已经成为我国重要的经济增长点,但是,在我国网络上的虚拟财产并没有得到有效的保护,究其原因在于现行法律没有对虚拟财产的合法性作出明确规定,相关法律法规对网络虚拟财产的保护还是一片空白。因此,本文在对虚拟财产进行法律界定的基础上,对虚拟财产的法律保护进行了初步探讨。     

Europe as a global actor: empire by example?

The European Union (EU) spreads its norms and extends its power in various parts of the world in a truly imperial fashion. This is because the EU tries to impose domestic constraints on other actors through various forms of economic and political domination or even formal annexations. This effort has proved most successful in the EU's immediate neighbourhood where the Union has enormous political and economic leverage and where there has been a strong and ever‐growing convergence of norms and values. However, in the global arena where actors do not share European norms and the EU has limited power, the results are limited. Consequently, it is not only Europe's ethical agenda that is in limbo; some basic social preferences across the EU seem also to be unsustainable. Can Europe maintain, let alone enhance, its environmental, labour or food safety norms without forcing global competitors to embrace them? The challenge lies not only in enhancing Europe's global power, but also primarily in exporting rules and norms for which there is more demand among existing and emerging global players. This means that Europe should engage in a dialogue that will help it to establish commonly shared rules of morality and global governance. Only then can Europe's exercise of power be seen as legitimate. It also means that Europe should try to become a ‘model power’ rather than a ‘superpower’, to use David Miliband's expression. The latter approach would imply the creation of a strong European centre able to impose economic pains on uncooperative actors. The former would imply showing other actors that European norms can also work for them and providing economic incentives for adopting these norms. To be successful in today's world, Europe needs to export its governance to other countries, but it can do it in a modest and novel way that will not provoke accusations of ‘regulatory imperialism’.     

China's strategic partnership with Latin America: a fulcrum in China's rise

China has over the last two decades been committed to creating a strategic partnership with Latin American states by persistently extending its economic and political involvement in the continent. China's efforts in this regard reflect not only its desire to intensify its economic cooperation and political relations with nations in Latin America, but also its strategic goals of creating its own sphere of influence in the region and enhancing its ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power in order to elevate China's status at the systemic level. With access to Latin American markets, resources and investment destinations, China may sustain its economic and social progress that bases its long cherished dream of restoring its past glory of fuqiang (wealth and power) and rise as a global power capable of reshaping the current world system. The enormous economic benefits deriving from their economic cooperation and trade may persuade Latin American nations to accept the basic premise of China's economic strategy: that China's rise is not a threat, but an opportunity to gain wealth and prosperity. This will help China gain more ‘soft’ power in and leverage over its economic partners in Latin America, and thereby help it to rise in the global power hierarchy.     

Dynamics of a Non-Decision: the 'Failure' to Devalue the Pound, 1964-7

Harold Wilson's delay in devaluing the pound until November1967 is still widely thought of as a fatal mistake, despiterecent work which has emphasized the economic case for not surrenderingsterling's parity with the dollar. This paper re-examines notjust the economic but also the political reasons behind theLabour government's defence of the national currency—anddoes so in order to explain both the initial rejection of devaluationand its eventual acceptance. It concludes that the governmenttried to avoid devaluation in order to avoid disruption to theworlds financial system and because it believed it would notsolve Britain's long-term economic problems. The governmentalso knew that it would be electorally damaging, and that theattack on public and private spending that would have to accompanyit would threaten its parliamentary survival. Devaluation occurredin 1967 because of a complex series of contingent events. Butdevaluation also took place because the government could convincinglyargue to the outside world that it had done its utmost, becauseits alternative approach failed to deliver the goods in time,and because, having an increased majority, it decided to facedown rather than pander to its own parliamentary supporters.     

For a Critical Cultural Political Economy

This paper argues that, if cultural political economy is to be worthwhile, it needs to be critical of its object. In order to develop its critical understanding of contemporary society, it needs to do at least three things. Firstly, while the cultural turn has corrected and sometimes inverted economic reductionism's dismissive treatment of culture and the lifeworld, it needs to avoid reducing economic systems to the lifeworld in which they are embedded, so that the extent to which systems are responsible for economic and cultural effects—good or bad—is not obscured. Secondly, it needs to take a more critical look at the social and cultural embedding of economic activities, and at the way system mechanisms of capital accumulation and uneven development have powerful dis embedding and disruptive effects. Thirdly, it needs to reconsider, rather than ignore, classical political economy, which was always cultural and is still of relevance today, even though it failed to anticipate new issues of cultural and political significance, such as the politics of identity.     

基于经济学基础的酒店收益管理研究

收益管理是近年来在服务行业应用广泛的一种新型管理模式,收益管理给国外许多酒店带来明显的效益增长,因而成为酒店经营研究中被学者持续关注的热点问题。在我国酒店业,收益管理还是一个较新的概念,收益管理研究的发展尚处于起步阶段,酒店企业全面应用收益管理的实践甚少,本文将结合国内外收益管理的研究现状,分析收益管理的经济学基础,为我国酒店业实施收益管理提供一种新思路和借鉴。     

中俄战略协作伙伴关系中的经济因素

建立在平等互信基础上的中俄战略协作伙伴关系有两个突出特点:它既允许实现各自国家的利益,同时也不限制伙伴的自由;它不是单一的关系,而是可在多个国家之间建立的一种关系。中俄战略协作伙伴关系的建立反映出中俄在政治关系中处于较高的发展水平,而两国的经济合作发展水平则远远落后于政治关系的发展。目前两国还存在着一些因素阻碍着经济合作的发展,但两国的友好关系将有利于问题的解决。     

英国保守党政府的疯牛病对策

自1986年英国首先确诊疯牛病以来,疯牛病在英国横行十余年。在疯牛病问题上,英国保守党政府不仅没有正确处理好经济利益与公共健康的关系,使公共健康受到疾病的严重威胁;而且也没有很好地承担起国际责任,导致疯牛病扩散至其他国家。     

Infrastructure Financing and Operation in the Contemporary City

The provision of large economic infrastructure in Australian cities is widely seen to be in crisis. This paper examines the reasons why crisis has arisen in the urban infrastructure sector and what might be done to redress this. The analysis and the argument are based on a resuscitation of the ideas and ideals of infrastructure provision and how these have been eroded. The paper shows how these ideas/ideals once underpinned the formulation of state role, governance and regulation systems, financial arrangements, and even community need and expectation. Critical to this was an acceptance of the ideals of universality, access, bundling and free positive externalities, and the belief that these should be assembled necessarily as part of any urban infrastructure roll-out. This package became instinctive in post-war economic and urban management. Yet this instinct has been lost as governments shift from models of infrastructure provision to infrastructure procurement where a major role for the private sector is now common. While such an involvement has its benefits, there are concerns for the urban condition when privatisation of infrastructure construction, delivery and operation becomes dominant. Citing Graham and Marvin (2001 ), the paper argues that, where once infrastructure was the key device for integrating the elements of the city and its people, the way it is now being delivered produces a splintered urbanism. There is an urgent need, then, to re-think what infrastructure means in today's urban context and thereafter to re-assess the criteria for deciding what infrastructure is to be provided, in what form it should be provided, who should provide it, who should pay, and who should operate it.