太平洋战争时期中英五千万英镑借款交涉

太平洋战争爆发后,国民政府为提振抗战士气、缓解财政困难,提出对英美大借款计划,其中对英借款1亿英镑,并希望不能有担保条件.1942年2月,英国政府宣布同意提供5000万英镑借款.中国希望英国采取与美国5亿美元借款类似的规定,允许中国无条件使用借款,但出于战时财力困难与战后国际收支的考虑,英国不愿在借款条件上做出让步.围绕借款担保中国内债与维持法币的用途,中英展开拉锯,谈判长达两年,亦引发中国对英国的不满.1943年11月开罗会议上中英协商借款问题,会后,双方于1944年2月就折中方案达成一致并于当年5月签订借款合同.中英5000万英镑借款交涉体现了战时中英之间的误解与缺乏信任,实际动用量亦有限.     

1935—1937年中英金融借款交涉

1935年底至1937年全面抗战爆发之初是中英债务关系的重要时期。法币改革后英国因担忧日本反对,未能立即对华提供金融借款。此后英国对华经济政策有所转变,中英铁路借款的突破与出口信贷领域的交涉,推动了双方的金融借款谈判。1937年中英金融借款谈判中,中国答应英国所提多项条件,英国积极推动借款不受新四国银行团影响,但该借款因日本全面侵华战争的爆发而搁浅。这一时期的中英金融借款交涉为全面抗战时期中英达成多笔借款打下基础,但同时英国延续此前对华借款中的附加条件,以获取更多在华权益。     

全面抗战爆发前后中英广梅铁路借款交涉

1937年1月初起,中英之间就广梅铁路借款进行了半年左右的谈判交涉,在中国的坚持和英方的努力下,英国突破了新四国银行团关于对华借款问题的限制,得以单独对华贷款,但在中国把中央银行改组为中央准备银行和提供盐余担保等问题上,双方一度僵持。全面抗战爆发后,中英双方均以更积极的态度推进谈判,对借款基本条件互相做出妥协,最终在7月30日签订了借款合同。广梅铁路借款虽因中日战事扩大未能在伦敦公开发行,但有关谈判交涉促进了战时中英财经合作的步伐。     

外债与抗日战争的胜利

在日本侵略使大片国土沦陷、面临财源枯竭、发生财政危机的情景下,中国的对外方针是最大限度争取外国的支持与援助,打败日本侵略者,争取抗日战争的胜利。抗战时期国民政府先后向苏联、美国、英国举借了外债。这些外债的特点是借款为易货性质,无折扣,低利率,计息以实际动用部分为限,不用提供担保,仅指定由中国运售某些货物以售价抵付。抗战时期举借的外债,填补了国民政府的财政亏空,缓解了财政危机,补给了战备物资,增强了抗日的军事装备,为长期抗战起了巨大作用。     

近代外资银行经理晚清政府战争赔款外债探究

<正>中国近代历史上，外债给中国人民带来了巨大灾难。外债是西方列强侵略中国的重要经济金融手段之一，也是其争夺中国政治、经济、军事、领土等各种权益的重要工具。外资银行作为西方列强金融入侵中国的代理工具，在满足各国过剩资本对华输出需求的同时，负责外债的代理和相关借款的经营。外资银行通过经理政府外债、保管关盐税款，逐步扩大在华金融势力，为其本国扩张在华政治、经济权益提供金融支持和服务。目前的研究主要考察外资银行在晚清政府战争赔款转化为外债过程中所发挥的作用和扮演的角色，但并未有深入分析外资银行经理战争赔款外债的深层次原因和深刻影响。外资银行的发展与晚清政府战争赔款外债密切相关，同时也对中国经济金融体系带来了巨大冲击。本文首先梳理外资银行经理晚清政府外债的基本情况，并在此基础上分析外资银行经理晚清政府战争赔款外债的具体情形，最后基于史实阐述其深层原因和深刻影响，希冀能以古鉴今，为进一步扩大金融对外开放，提升外资银行服务实体经济质效提供参考。     

抗战时期中国的外债问题

抗战时期中国的外债问题吴景平近年来,有关抗日战争时期（１９３７—１９４５）中国外债问题的研究,已经取得了不少重大进展,特别是在单个债项和国别债项问题上。但是,无论作为整个抗战史研究中一个不可偏废的方面,还是作为整个民国外债史研究的一个特定时期,战时中...     

蒋介石与战时美国对华财经援助

作为抗战时期中国政府最高领导人,蒋介石在获得美国财经援助的交涉中,努力使中国的利益最大化,他能够调动有关外交官和特使的长才与积极性,与在华美国使节和来访美国高层官员沟通,有助于加强中美之间的了解。抗战时期中国虽然获得了数笔商业信贷、平准基金借款和巨额财政援助,但相应的谈判过程不无曲折,最终失败的案例也不在少数。蒋介石等人对美国的基本国家利益、战略目标、决策机制及其实际运作都了解不够,对于战时中美关系的定位也难免错位。此外,战时中国的外交决策机制和主要人事缺乏连续性与稳定性,中国国力与美、英、苏的差距甚大,在对日持久作战中并非时时处处都能够为盟国所倚重。对于蒋介石及其属僚在战时对美外交中的作用和成败得失,应有客观的认识和评价。     

抗战时期苏联援华飞机等军火物资数量问题的探讨

关于抗日战争时期苏联援华飞机及其他军火物资的数量问题,正如孔庆泰同志在《太平洋战争爆发前苏联对华军事援助述略》一文中所说的,由于中方有关文件的散失,至今仍无精确统计问世。但是,孔文将苏方同意的中方请援品种、数量等一并作为苏联实际援华的军火物资数统计是不妥的,并且由于资料来源的不同,容易重复。我认为,只能根据中方实际动用苏联信用借款向     

抗战时期美国对华第一笔借款的由来

1938年10月,广州、武汉相继失陷,抗战进入极其艰难的相持阶段。恰其时,美国给予中国第一笔战时借款,给中国抗战注入了一针强心剂。那么,这笔借款是怎么来的呢？它是由时任驻法大使顾维钧引起,陈光甫直接商谈,新任驻美大使胡适的外交保证共同完成的。     

清政府外债政策述评

中国的外债始于清代后期,其渊源可追溯到清代前期广东十三行对外商的借款和“行欠”。据初步统计,鸦片战争以前,除外商贷款外,十三行的行欠共20笔,债务额的1000万两（库平银）,鸦片战争以后清政府共举借外债208笔,债将总额达13亿多很两．其中赔款借款或赔款转化为外债（包括庚子赔款）7．9亿两,各种行政借款0．4亿两．镇压起义与革命的借款0．2亿两．实业借款3．7亿两．海防与塞防及抵御外侮的借款0．8亿两。这些“行欠”、外债与清政府的外债政策密切相关。下面拟分三个阶段对清政府的外债政策作一些考察和评论。一、“禁止借领外…     

左宗棠外债观探析

左宗棠是中国早期大举外债之第一人.在西征借款的过程中,他逐步形成了较为独特的外债观.左宗棠的外债观有三个基本内涵:举债应急以巩固塞防,以外债弥补传统政体的缺陷,初具国债观念的雏形.     

辛亥革命時期清廷的戰時財政運籌

戰時財政是一種非常態財政,辛亥鼎革期間,爲配合戰爭機器運轉,清廷被迫放棄預算財政軌道,轉入停辦其他新政,籌措所有潛在財源,力顧國防的戰時財政狀態。在部庫與省庫均近乎告罄的情況下,部省極力籌畫舉借外債,但先後格於列强的中立政策,不具成效;統兵將帥與北省督撫極力獻策發掘内款的各種方案,卻依然難遂人願。因部庫窘困,清廷針對戰時請款不得不流於敷衍,空言指撥,而無實際,戰時財政運籌由此陷入絶境。它折射出財政改制面臨巨大變故後,國省財政應對乏術,内外疏離趨於顯性的極端態勢。     

抗战时期西北皮毛贸易与大后方经济变动

皮毛是西北地区重要的畜牧产品。近代以来,随着天津的开埠通商,在天津口岸的经济辐射作用下,大量西北皮毛通过黄河水运汇集至包头后再通过平绥铁路运至天津出口美英等国,皮毛成为西北最重要的出口物资,大量西北皮毛的出口也成为西北地区皮毛业外向化的重要表现。但抗战爆发以后,西北皮毛贸易发生了巨大变化。首先,西北皮毛出口运输路线改为向西汇集兰州后再通过甘新公路或甘新大道运至猩猩峡出口苏联,使得苏联取代战前美国成为中国最大皮毛进口国,这也直接推动了战时中苏易货贸易的发展。其次,由于战时西北皮毛出口运输较战前出口运输路途艰险,加上战时出口市场萎缩等原因,造成战时西北皮毛出口量较战前减少。战时西北皮毛出口量的减少,迫使部分皮毛出口转内销,西北皮毛业从战前外向化开始转为战时内向化。西北皮毛内销数量的增加,也推动了大后方毛纺织业的发展。因此,战时西北皮毛业的内向化一定程度上为战时大后方经济的发展积累了新的动力因素。     

The power of the “Stockpile”: American aid and China’s Wartime everyday

ABSTRACT

This article argues that American and British narratives about the existence of a “stockpile” of Chinese goods had a powerful impact on US-China relations, China’s war effort, and China’s wartime everyday. Focusing on both the material and discursive construction of the so-called stockpile in the early 1940s, the work seeks to deconstruct a powerful symbol that was long used by both British and American officials (particularly in the US War Department) to delegitimize the Nationalist government’s war effort against Japan. Drawing on sources collected at archives in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Taiwan, the article seeks to rethink many commonly held assumptions about American aid and to reveal the powerful influence that the symbolic presence of the stockpile had in shaping Sino-American relations in the wartime period and beyond.     

海外华商近年投资中国的强势成长与深刻变化

论文分析阐述了改革开放以来侨商与外商在华投资格局的大变动情况、侨资强势成长的原因以及中国经济转型下的侨资企业在国际竞争中走向新格局的现状和特点。认为海外华商对中国大陆的投资,近八年来强势增长,亚洲华商在中国外商直接投资中的比重逐年稳定上升;欧美日韩企业对华投资的比重则在下降。海外华商平均投资额也大幅度增加,超过欧美日韩企业的水平。究其原因是多方面的,既受世界经济大环境特别是全球FDI趋势的影响,也与中国经济发展态势密切相关,还与海外华商的投资与经营特点相关。在中国经济转型过程中,日益本土化的趋势使侨资企业全面融入中国经济脉动之中,一批华商品牌在中国本土成长起来。国内外资本市场的发展,推动了侨资传统产业的资本形成与技术升级,侨资科技产业与战略性新兴产业异军突起。侨资企业优胜劣汰,呈现新的格局与国际竞争力。     

The production of penicillin in wartime China and Sino-American definitions of “normal” microbiology

ABSTRACT

This article discusses the history of domestic penicillin production in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, focusing on the work of the National Epidemic Prevention Bureau (NEPB) to identify, isolate, cultivate, and extract the drug. This work took place just as the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China discussed plans to establish an American pilot plant for Chinese penicillin manufacture, which would directly transfer technologies and personnel from the US to China. While American advisers saw the basic conditions of wartime China as actively obstructing the highly technical project of penicillin production, researchers at the NEPB relied crucially upon that same local environment to identify useful molds and find substitutions for key materials in successfully manufacturing penicillin in Kunming, capital of Yunnan Province in southwest China.     

The Spanish American War’s ‘Most Durable Hero’: Admiral Pasquale Cervera and Popular Heroic Values in the United States, 1898–1909

The United States honored a host of military heroes during the Spanish American War including Pasqual Cervera y Topete, the enemy admiral who had experienced a humiliating defeat at the Battle of Santiago Bay, Cuba (3 June 1898) at the hands of US naval forces. Over the course of the war and in the year that followed, American public opinion of the admiral became positive and increasingly laudatory. By late 1899, Life Magazine, followed by other popular publications, claimed that Cervera was a better war hero then Admiral George Dewey and other American officers who had been wildly celebrated for their wartime heroics. The enemy admiral’s heroic rise was possible because of a fundamental change in the relationship between the press and the nation’s war heroes that sped up each champion’s ultimate decline. In the late nineteenth century Americans sought chivalrous, selfless men of action for their heroes. As journalists began covering each war hero’s daily life as they did other celebrities, however, they discovered character flaws in the nation’s homegrown champions. This examination of Cervera’s gradual rise as an American hero through his death in 1909 includes an overview of the American hero-making process and lifecycle and how celebrity journalism shortened the reign of most war heroes. After identifying the complicated set of values the nation sought in its war heroes at the end of the century, this study will also explain why journalists considered naval heroes as better representatives of those cherished ideals than those from the Army (including volunteer Theodore Roosevelt) until well after the end of the war. Roosevelt was honored as a hero during the war and won the 1899 New York gubernatorial election largely because of his wartime popularity, but was not considered selfless because of his clear political ambitions. American hero-worship of Cervera developed slowly, was considerably more subdued than the public enthusiasm displayed for America’s native-born champions, and was undoubtedly bestowed, in part, as a criticism of the failure of American heroes to live up to the heroic narrative created for them by reporters and biographers. Cervera’s ranking as Life’s ‘most durable hero’ of the war, while seemingly nonsensical, begins to make more sense when the Spanish admiral is reconfigured as a national cultural hero instead of an American military champion. Despite his enemy status, Cervera came to epitomise important military values of the day, because of the rapid decline of the nation’s American-born war heroes brought about by celebrity journalism.     

“Relying on America”: The CPI’s Propaganda in China and Its Influence on China’s Pursuit of a New National Identity before the May Fourth Movement*

At the beginning of the 20th century, American officials, newspapermen, and businessmen in China promoted and participated in the establishment of a branch of the Committee on Public Information (CPI) in China. The purposes of the China station were to compete with other foreign states seeking influence in China, to promote American values and to eventually lead China down an “American” path. The CPI China station built an image of America as a friendly country which offered political and economic assistance and held a leading position in the new postwar order, an example which China could use for its own development. Chinese people were quick to respond to this propaganda as they wanted their concerns to be addressed at the Paris Peace Conference and sought to reform their national identity. The idea of a Wilsonian international order gained support in China through effective propaganda. After the diplomatic defeat in Paris, however, some Chinese began to consider a path very different from that of America. The CPI’s promotion of a particular development path for China and new world order had various effects on the country. The propaganda came at a time when the Chinese were searching for a new national identity and gained support from many groups. In addition, the Chinese people were not passive listeners of the propaganda and did not blindly accept the information that was “fed” to them.     

1990年代《美国历史评论》的中国研究

作为美国社会中一个较大的学术群体,美国历史学家的中国研究对于我们了解美国知识分子的中国观具有很大的参照意义。最权威的美国史学刊物——《美国历史评论》——在20世纪90年代所发表的中国研究文章便从一个极为重要的角度展示了美国史学界的中国研究在最近十年的主要线索:中国的传统儒家思维方式左右着中国近现代的社会发展和对外交往。     

Surviving under the Enemy: Oral Narratives of Middle-Class Women in Japanese-Occupied China (1931-45)

In a fragmented wartime China (1931-45), the levels of violence, suffering, and resistance varied in different regions. The Anti-Japanese War left people with different experiences and memories. To date, both Chinese- and English-language scholarship have paid insufficient attention to the more than two hundred million common Chinese who stayed in Japanese-occupied areas. To help fill this gap, this study provides a thematic analysis of interviews conducted by the author with six Chinese women of the urban middle-class about their experiences in the Japanese-occupied areas. It adds voices and perspectives of ordinary, middle-class women to the rich tapestry of everyday life of wartime China. The oral narratives of these women are everyday accounts of uncertainty, fear, and survival. More important, they are testimonies to the evolution of their gender consciousness and their determination to pursue an education as a means of resisting gender inequality. In addition, these oral narratives show how these women developed strategies in their marriages, work, and political views to reconcile with the reality of living with the enemy. Their everyday forms of resistance helped them maintain dignity in the face of foreign imperialism.