论十九世纪东南亚华人秘密会党

十七世纪秘密会党传入东南亚各国 ,十九世纪发展达到了顶峰。随着华人秘密会党势力的增强 ,各殖民政府对华人秘密会党的政策也随之发生了演变 ,这种演变是视其殖民统治需要的变化而变化的。华人秘密会党组织作为华人社会中的一种社会现象 ,在华人社会中所发挥的作用和影响是广泛、深刻的 ,其地位是特殊的。     

清末革命团体与秘密会党:以同盟会武装起义为主

本文通过对同盟会六次武装起义的分析,重新考察清末革命团体与秘密会党之间的关系。本文视角有别于"孙中山中心史观"或"革命派中心史观",认为传统所谓"同时起义"和"粤桂滇三省起义的领导机关"并不符合历史情况。其次,促进起义开展的组织大概可以分为四类:孙中山等同盟会人士构成的"设计组织";天地会等秘密会党首领组成的"执行组织";华侨、日本后援者构成的"援助组织";有些清军将领及其所部组成的"辅助组织"。其中,设计组织应该对起义的失败负根本性责任。又次,这种武装起义的结构与同盟会的前身兴中会时期基本一致,均是以天地会等秘密会党首领为媒介形成同盟会与会党之合作关系,在合作中,秘密会党同样具有反抗清朝的主体意识和自觉意识。     

“日泰同盟与泰国华侨”讲座综述

20 0 4年5月2 0日,中国华侨历史学会和中国华侨华人历史研究所邀请在华进行学术调研的日本学者村岛英治教授作题为“日泰同盟与泰国华侨”的学术演讲,这是“华侨华人研究论坛”2 0 0 4年度系列讲座的第二场。村岛教授的演讲使用较少为学人所利用的泰文和中文的第一手文献,分四个时期论述从1 941年日泰同盟成立到1 945年太平洋战争结束的泰、日、华侨三者之间的关系,认为日泰关系的演变对华侨产生巨大的影响。其中,第一时期即从太平洋战争爆发到1 942年中期,日泰走向全面合作,銮披汶政府对华侨推行强硬政策,华侨不得不支持南京的汪伪政府,难…     

香港黑社会前世今生

有清一代,我国南方数省及海外华侨中活跃着一个民间秘密会党——天地会,其名取意“一拜天为父二拜地为母”,会内则通称洪门。     

清末民初贵州会党的角色转换及相关问题

贵州秘密会党起源于乾隆初年的啯噜。清末民初,贵州会党先后承担了三种不同的历史角色。首先是被自治学社与陆军小学所利用,从“反清复明”的旧式会党转变为初步接受资产阶级民主思想的革命组织,进而成为辛亥贵州光复的主力军;随后又为宪政派所利用,转而与自治学社为仇,从辛亥革命的功臣转变为颠覆辛亥果实的帮凶;最后又为宪政派以“会党乱黔”作为乞请滇军入黔的口实,从而沦落为政治斗争的牺牲品。三次角色的转换,既折射出清末民初贵州党争的惨烈,同时也暴露了秘密会党缺乏明确政治目标的致命弱点。     

利用会党:辛亥革命的一个误区

辛亥革命时期,革命党人即已认识到利用会党是一个失误,因而才转而依靠新军。会党是当时社会成员异化的结果,广大农民对会党的诡异行为普遍持恐惧、戒备、鄙夷心理;会党的种种不法行为只能使之成为革命党人动员农民的障碍,而不是什么纽带。革命党人对会党纯粹是“利用”,根本没有想到要去改造会党,进而结成政治同盟。会党能否充当革命党联系农民的纽带,完全是后来的学者提出的理论问题,辛亥革命时期革命党人从未将发动农民问题提上议事日程。革命党人利用会党起义根本没有成功的可能,其激励民众的作用远远弥补不了给革命事业造成的损失。各省独立后,会党严重扰乱了社会秩序;民国初年,一些会党由对革命党不满发展到反对民主共和,图谋颠覆新生革命政权,很快蜕变为反动势力。     

破解天地会起源之谜

天地会是清代重要的秘密会党,多次进行反清斗争。以往学者大多通过对天地会内流传的一个悲情故事的解读,把天地会说成康熙十三年突然出现的以“反清复明”为宗旨的“民族革命团体”或“农民革命组织”。笔者通过对档案史料的挖掘、梳理和对秘密会党产生社会根源及其演化轨迹的探索,发现康熙年间仅存在异姓结拜弟兄组织,雍正年间才开始“立有会名”,成为“结会树党”的秘密会党。天地会是雍正至乾隆前半期秘密会党大量涌现的社会环境下出现的一个秘密会党。     

民间文化、江湖义气与会党的关系

清代秘密会党勃兴，是与当时的社会历史环境分不开的。一个日渐扩大的游民阶层是会党生存蔓延的社会基础，在民间文化基础上形成的游民文化在会党身上得到了集中体现。民间文学、戏剧中渲染的“义”的观念广泛地流传于下层社会，人们称之为“江湖义气”，会党采取拿来主义，形成了独具特色的道德观念和“法律”观念。会党是下层社会组织，无法从上层文化中吸取营养，民间文学、民间戏剧就成为他们建立自己的帮会文化的当然来源。“义”在秘密会党中无所不在，本文主要从会党的仪式、隐语、暗号、流行数字等几个方面作些叙述。会党利用并改造了民间普遍存在的兄弟结拜、江湖义气等内容，为自己的组织、活动、反抗目标服务。     

论清前期会党的性质——兼论会党的起源

对中国秘密会党的研究,国内外学者已有一百余年的历史。成果累累,不胜枚举。关于秘密会党的历史地位、会党的产生、组织状况及其性质诸问题。目前,已有大量的专门论著,并给予适当的评价。一些学者公认,中国秘密会党是始见于清代的秘密社会组织,天地会则可推为中国近代秘密会党的鼻祖。近几年来,对天地会的研究更为深入,尤其对天地会起源问题,探讨极为活跃,不同论点,各有依据。笔者认为,既然中国秘密会党起源于清,就应对有清一代的会党组织,做一全面研究,特别对天地会公开活动前出现的会党组织,应作些分析研究,这将有助于对会党的产生、发展等问题进行深入的探讨。笔者从事清政府遗存档案的整理工作,对清代官文书记载有关会党的史料多有接触。本文拟以清前期出现的会党史料,分析、论证清前期会党的性质及会党的起源,敬祈指正。     

书讯

厦门大学南洋研究所庄国土博士所著《中国封建政府的华侨政策》一书,已由厦门大学出版社出版。全书共分10章32万多字,分析了不同时期的中外关系和华侨出国的特点,不同皇朝对华侨不同的态度和政策;论述晚清政府对华侨政策的转变过程和因素,提出了自己的新见解。该     

Policy Knowledge, Policy Formulation, and Change: Revisiting a Foundational Question

Understanding the influence of policy knowledge (analysis, evaluation) on policy change represents a long-standing quest in the policy sciences. Despite attempts of Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) scholars, the first to embark systematically on this quest, utilization and policy process literatures still run parallel. Through a critique of ACF and utilization studies, we argue that the inability of policy theory to include how and which information decision makers use is the foundational issue hindering efforts to link process and substance in policy theory. Situating utilization studies in the policy design approach offers an improvement in conceptualizing relationships between policy knowledge, process, and change.     

Reconceptualizing the Policy Subsystem: Integration with Complexity Theory and Social Network Analysis

The concept of the policy subsystem is an essential building block for several of the basic frameworks of policy process studies. Over time issues have become more complex, crossing subsystem boundaries, and so subsystems have escalated in their complexity as well. It is increasingly insufficient to study just one policy subsystem and so scholars have turned to studying boundary‐spanning regimes or policy networks. In this essay, we review the major contributions to developing the concept of a policy subsystem and trace its evolution into broader conceptualizations like issue and policy networks. We argue that the future for theories of the policy process is in more explicit integration of complexity theory and more effective modeling of subsystems with the utilization of social network analysis. In closing, we discuss the enduring nature of the concept of policy subsystems and highlight studies that continue using it in innovative ways.     

Policy Analysis for What? The Effectiveness of Nonpartisan Policy Research Organizations

For the past several decades, scholars have studied the role of policy research in decision making. Depending how "use" is measured, the results have indicated only modest or indirect impacts. This study takes another direction to studying knowledge utilization, comparing the influence of nonpartisan policy research organizations in 19 states on their principal clients: state legislators. Nonpartisan research agencies represent a particularly rigorous test since the literature on knowledge utilization questions whether nonpartisan policy analysis organizations (NPROs) can remain neutral and contribute meaningfully to policymaking. Further, this analysis is comparative across states, studies institutions rather than specific reports or policy domains, and examines multiple types of "use." Using the results of surveys of both agencies and legislators, the results indicate a strong association between the size and type of policy research organizations and legislators' assessments of use, even controlling for political and ideological factors. This suggests that policy analysis organizations—even those in a highly politicized environment—have a significant impact on policymaking, mainly by providing information and analysis to decision makers but also in influencing public policy outcomes.     

Why the Pakistan army is here to stay: prospects for civilian governance

This article explores the prospects for civilian governance over Pakistan's military in the policy‐relevant future. After reviewing the Pakistan army's past interference in the country's judicial and political affairs, it turns to the ongoing political maneuvering of the current Chief of Army Staff, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, despite Pakistan's ostensible democratic dispensation. The article dilates on the impact of US engagement on the robustness of the Pakistan army's dominance and questions the newfound US commitment to promoting democratization and civilian control. The article argues that while conventional wisdom places the onus disproportionately upon the military's penchant for interventionism, the army has intervened only with the active assistance of civilian institutions, which are subsequently further eroded with every military takeover. It concludes with a consideration of whether or not genuine civilian control would result in a significant change in Pakistan's foreign and domestic policies, particularly Pakistan's well‐known utilization of Islamist militants in India and Afghanistan.     

晚清政府对待教会医疗事业的态度和政策

教会医疗事业是基督教在华传教事业中的特殊部分,它与晚清政府有着特殊的关系。清政府对待它的态度和政策几经变化、在禁教政策下,清歧府对教会医疗事业采取了容忍的态度和政策。两次鸦片战争之际,清政府在不平等条约的压制下被迫接受教会医疗事业,但是仍想加以抗拒。第二次鸦片战争后,条约制度得以建立;与此同时,清政府对外来化的态度发生变化。此后,清政府对教会医疗事业的态度和政策虽有变化．但基本上持保护、支持和利用的态度和政策．并在一些方面体现了特殊性。     

Effectiveness of Planning Instruments for Minimizing Spatial Conflicts of Biogas Production

Abstract

The energy policy in Germany encourages an ever-greater utilization of biomass to produce biogas. But this utilization interferes on the natural resources and affects new conflicts regarding other forms of land use particularly flood prevention measures, drinking water supply and recreation. A forward-looking planning is needed to minimize these conflicts. Hence, this paper aims to derive quality and protection standards, summarized in checklists, assessing the effectiveness of different planning instruments with respect to the impact of biogas production in practice. These checklists were used in four model districts in Lower Saxony to evaluate the effectiveness of planning instruments on the regional level. The results show that the investigated Regional Planning Programmes do not contain any explicit planning statements as to the production of biomass or biogas. Specific regulations regarding potential conflict situations are mainly to be found in the respective Protected Area Regulations. However, generally the German spatial planning and sectoral planning provide options to control the production of biogas in a way that it is compatible with the majority of competing land uses.     

可持续发展——中国理智的选择

本文对可持续发展战略的由来及含义做了详尽的说明,并结合中国的实际,探讨了在中国实行可持续发展战略的必要性及实现途径。提出在中国实现可持续发展是一项长期的、艰苦的任务,首先应转变经济发展模式,确立以保护环境和合理利用资源为核心的经济发展战略;利用市场机制和经济手段,促进市场经济与环境保护的协调配合;同时要采取有效的人口政策,控制人口增长;并通过建设生态农业和完善城市建设,加强农村与城市的环境综合整治。     

Building the Reservoir to Nowhere: The Role of Agencies in Advocacy Coalitions

The purpose of the advocacy coalition framework is to explain policy change over time through an examination of the stability of advocacy coalitions within policy subsystems. Recently, scholars have confirmed that advocacy coalitions are held together by shared belief systems, specifically in distributive policy arenas. We contend that federal agencies, in distributive policy arenas, provide both the anchors and support systems for the development and maintenance of belief systems. This anchoring helps provide adequate resources, access to political institutions, ability to control administrative process, and/or the capacity to deliver public goods and services. We conducted an analysis of the policy changes that occurred during the implementation of the National Environmental Policy Act for the construction of the Bureau of Reclamation's Animas‐La Plata project. This is an example where administrators, through the management of information, were able to control the policy process. The analysis provides a needed replication of previous findings regarding policy change and offers new insights into how institutions are critical to subsystem stability over time.     

Industrial policy in the EU: old dilemmas and new options

Industrial policy is highly controversial. Supporters claim it is necessary to address market failures. Critics argue that the danger of government failure is often higher and that such failure may lead to greater welfare loss. The EU justifies its industrial policy by pointing to the existence of transnational problems and to its unique ability to counter them. The EU has the capacity to coordinate national policies, to reduce redundancies, to control and limit national subsidies to industry. It also has a mandate for managing EU foreign trade and competition policy. There are five major industrial policy arenas. Technology policy has been relatively successful in certain fields like telecommunications or traffic‐control systems. In other fields, such as micro‐electronics and computers, the results have been mixed at best. Regional policy has had a limited developmental impact. On foreign‐trade policy, anti‐dumping measures have largely been a failure, though they have stimulated Japanese direct investment. A division of labour between the EU Commission and national, regional and local governments should be advanced with a view to formulating and implementing industrial policy. The regional and local levels should formulate policies aimed at strengthening specialized factors. The EU should concentrate primarily on fostering and shaping new lines of technological development and managing capacity reduction in declining industries.     

民初北洋政府德育教育失败的反思——以尊孔运动为考察中心

以尊孔运动为主要内容的民初北洋政府德育教育,其结果以失败而告终,究其原因集中体现在政策缺乏连续性、理论宣传的内在矛盾、民间资源借助不力、舆论氛围恶化四个方面。探究其败因得到以下启示:1.政策的连续性是德育教育成功的前提;2.内在机理完善的理论宣传是德育教育成功的基础;3.有效借助非政府资源是德育教育成功的保障;4.营造良好的舆论氛围是德育教育成功的关键。