《杰伊条约》与美国建国初期的美英关系

美国的独立使美英关系发生了质的变化,从原先的宗主国与殖民地关系变成了两个独立国家之间的关系,如何规划这种新关系成了英美两国政府必须面对的问题。两国关系面临着三个突出问题。其一,美国能否接受英国构建的国际秩序和规则;其二,美国将与英国建立什么样的商业关系;其三,英国控制下的美国西北边界哨所的归属问题。英国政府的目标是希望新成立的美国做英国主导的国际均势格局的维护者,而非破坏者。美国政府的利益诉求是确保这个新成立的国家作为国际社会的一个平等成员为各国所接纳,在保持独立行动自由的同时尽可能多地保留殖民地时期它在英帝国内享有的各种特权,以确保其发展空间。围绕上述问题,双方进行了半年的谈判,并最终于1794年签署了《杰伊条约》。该条约构筑了未来英美关系的发展框架,成为双方关系逐步改善乃至发展成为盟友的重要基础。     

世界史画廊

墨西哥素有“现代壁画之国”的称号。从本世纪二十年代开始,墨西哥艺术家在城市的建筑物墙壁上绘制了许多绚丽多采的壁画,它以独特的民族形式,刻划了许多深刻感人的艺术形象。墨西哥壁画艺术的产生与1910——1917年的革命运动有直接的联系,它反映了1910     

墨西哥100比索塑料纪念钞防伪特征的研究

一、发行概况 1521年墨西哥沦为西班牙殖民地。1823年12月2日宣布成立墨西哥共和国。1824年10月正式成立联邦共和国。1917年颁布资产阶级民主宪法,宣布国名为墨西哥合众国。官方语言为西班牙语。墨西哥是第21个发行Guardian塑料钞票的国家。     

英国、美国与第二次台湾海峡危机

与英国对第一次台湾海峡危机所奉行的政策大为不同,1958年第二次台湾海峡危机发生后,麦克米伦政府从一开始就几乎完全站到了美国一边。在英国决策者看来,英美关系的重要性远远大于对华关系,特别是在苏伊士运河危机之后,英国政府将恢复并加强与美国的"特殊关系"置于最优先考虑的地位。因此,第二次台湾海峡危机期间,英国对美国政府决策的影响更为有限。英国在公开表示支持美国政策的同时继续宣扬所谓"台湾地位未定论",致使中英关系的发展陷入僵局,揭示出英国对华政策的内在矛盾性和英美"特殊关系"的复杂性。     

对1917年无限制潜艇战研究中几个问题的再认识

1917年德国发动的无限制潜艇战,并不是一蹴而就式的突然出击,而是德国政治、经济、军事形势合乎逻辑发展的结果。1917年无限制潜艇战作为一次战役达到了战术目的,予协约国以沉重打击。德国之所以没有能够依靠无限制潜艇战最终战胜英国,主要并不是因为协约国采取了护航制等军事方面的措施,而是因为包括美国在内的协约国在经济和资源方面拥有更强大的战争潜力,特别是英国在封锁期间表现出的强大生存能力。     

陈立夫等CC分子阻挠王世杰、陈诚任要职始末

一 蒋介石的亲信王世杰逃台之初未任成台湾“行政院长”,与CC派有关。 王世杰系近代知名教育家、法学家．也是一位名气颇大的政客。他1891年出生在湖北崇阳县,早年在武汉、天津等地读书,1913年去英国留学,1917年转赴法国．就读巴黎大学,1920年获法学博士学位,不久回国,应学界泰斗蔡元培之邀,在北京大学任教,并参与创办《现代评论》周刊。     

美国墨西哥移民的人口效应评析

作为一个移民国家,多样化的种族/民族构成一直是美国人口结构的一个显著特征,外来移民始终是改变美国人口结构和布局的一个重要因素。近几十年以来,墨西哥裔人成为美国人口增长最快的族群之一,这部分人口主要由两种成分组成:出生于美国的墨西哥裔人和来自墨西哥的移民。作为拉美裔群体中最大的组成部分,墨西哥裔占全部拉美裔人口2/3左右;目前,墨西哥移民在美国全部外来人口中所占份额最大,达到30%;墨裔人在美国总人口中的比重逐年上升。墨裔人口不断膨胀源于其较高的生育率和移民的持续增加。墨西哥移民增加了美国的外国出生人口的数量;改变了美国人口的种族/民族构成,给美国带来了空前的族群异质性;人口多元化还影响到种族/民族关系。     

孙中山暂缓设立正式政府

1924年元旦刚过,孙中山于4日召集文武大员60余人至大本营开会,议决设立正式政府。 此前,孙中山为与北洋军阀控制的北京政府相对抗,坚持革命事业,在广州三度组织政府。第一次是1917年9月大元帅制的军     

英国流亡者与美国建国初期的党争

18世纪末,一批英国激进分子流亡到美国,在美国激烈的党派斗争和政治文化分歧中扮演了重要角色。1798年,在英国“反雅各宾主义”影响下,美国联邦党主导的政府制定了《惩治煽动叛乱法》,严厉打击反对政府的言论,防止共和党和“雅各宾派”颠覆政府。英国流亡者以英国政治为参照,抨击法令,谴责联邦党效仿英国体制,在美国建立贵族统治,剥夺公民自由权利。流亡者反对联邦党人的政治修辞广泛传播,形成强大公共意见,最终促使法令失效。流亡者的介入使美国建国初期的党派斗争与大西洋世界的政治变动息息相关,呈现鲜明的跨国性。     

英国旧殖民体制的特征及其瓦解的原因

17—18世纪是重商主义盛行时期,重商主义成了英国的国策。整个第一英帝国就是在重商主义理论指导下产生、发展、壮大的,重商主义成了旧帝国最主要的特征。因而,英国旧的殖民体制的特点就表现为政治上控制松弛、经济上严格限制。1763年“七年战争”结束之前,英国与殖民地的关系比较融洽。然而战争结束不久,蕴藏于旧的殖民体制之中的危机便迅即爆发。旧的帝国殖民统治体制越来越难以维持,旧的帝国体制已经解决不了帝国的危机,英国与美洲殖民地发生了激烈的冲突,最终导致了帝国的瓦解。     

Getting Out of Belize: Britain’s Intractable Military Exit from Central America

With scant material interests at stake, and protection exacting a toll on military resources, Britain wanted out of Belize, its sole dependency in Central America. This desire became more pronounced by the 1970s as successive British governments sought to eliminate residual out-of-Europe political and military commitments. Exiting Belize, however, proved a three-decade challenge for Britain. Exploiting recently declassified British government documents, this article explains why leaving proved so intractable. The article explains how Guatemala’s territorial claim—and its threat to realise this claim by means of force—proved the main obstacle to Britain’s military exit. Repeated attempts in the 1970s towards a negotiated settlement with Guatemala failed. Instead the decade was marked by moments of acute tension. Unable to discount the possibility of a Guatemalan attack, Britain felt compelled to reinforce its military presence in the country at a time when it was trying to exit. Moreover, Britain had to offer continued protection as a necessary condition for Belize to proceed to independence in 1981. This post-independence defence guarantee was intended as a short-term measure, and Britain remained committed to ending its Belize commitment at the earliest opportunity. Yet British protection ended only in 1994. This article unpacks the political and military factors that best account for this protracted withdrawal.     

4. GLOBALIZING THE COMANCHE EMPIRE

The Comanche rose by adapting to the technological and trade opportunities brought to New Mexico by the eighteenth‐century expansion of New Spain's globally linked silver economy. They built an empire that flourished in the first half of the nineteenth century, dominating vast areas of the high plains and controlling complex trades, just as a social revolution within Mexico's wars of independence undermined the silver economy and ended its northward dynamism. Comanche power flourished between a struggling Mexico and an expanding US, until the military and industrial power of the latter combined with the ecological vulnerabilities of the Comanche economy to enable the Anglo‐American triumph in what should be called the War for North America of 1846–1848. The US claimed a continental West from an uncertain Mexican sovereignty and an assertive Comanche empire of war and trade. The expansion and collapse of New Spain, the rise and fall of the Comanche empire, and the rise of the United States all occurred within an evolving globalization. Spanish North America expanded to 1810; Comanche power rose in the eighteenth century and soared after 1810 as Mexico struggled with the challenges of nation‐making; then the United States defeated both to claim continental hegemony in the 1840s. These expansions, conflicts, and changes—all tied to larger processes of globalization—reshaped North America between 1700 and 1850.     

‘If the miners had been Mexican…’ The Chilean mine rescue as Mexican ‘politics machine’ (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

The operation in October 2010 to rescue 33 miners trapped in the San José mine near Copiapó, Chile, which culminated in a technologically and emotionally dramatic rescue after 69 days of captivity and the expenditure of at least 10 million dollars, captured the world's attention. The story acted as a kind of ‘accidental Olympics’, evoking national sentiment and global communitas, and offering more than a billion people the chance to peek into the lives of the miners and their families. But responses to the rescue were not the same everywhere. This article examines responses in Mexico. Whereas elsewhere the story's appeal lay in its capacity to be presented as a ‘politics‐free zone’, this seemed to be less the case in Mexico. Some Mexican publics, at least, were relatively immune to the apolitical ‘inspiration’ offered by the media and enthusiastically taken up elsewhere. This is because many Mexicans see a painful contrast between circumstances in their country and those in Chile. This sense of contrast manifested itself not only in a lower degree of ‘buy‐in’ to the feel‐good aspect of the story in Mexico, but also in a surge of ill‐feeling and protest against the Mexican government, and in a telling spate of jokes that did the rounds in October and November, which were disseminated on Twitter and YouTube and reported in television and print media. The jokes followed the formula: ‘If the [Chilean] miners had been Mexican…’ and drew on strains of social and political satire with a long history in Mexico.     

Global Horizons: Mexico,the Third World,and the Non-Aligned Movement at the Time of the 1961 Belgrade Conference

This paper analyses the autonomous streak that marked Mexico's foreign policy during the presidency of Adolfo López Mateos (1958–64). Throughout this period, Mexico showed reluctance to participate fully in the flagship Kennedy programme for Latin America, the Alliance for Progress. At the same time, the López Mateos government adopted a position of defence for Cuba's right to self-determination in spite of Washington's attempts to eradicate the Cuban Revolution from the Western Hemisphere. During López Mateos's term, Mexico tried for the first time in its history to elaborate a foreign policy with broader international outreach, an effort highlighted by the Mexican presidential trips to Latin America and Asia as well as other countries that belonged to the Non-Aligned Movement. While historiography has explored Mexico's attitude towards the Alliance for Progress and, more consistently, the country's Cuban policy, much less attention has been dedicated to López Mateos's engagement with the Non-Aligned Movement. Focusing on Mexico's failed participation at the First Conference of Heads of State of Non-Aligned Countries celebrated in Belgrade in 1961, this article aims to fill this research gap. Indeed, even if Mexico did not ultimately participate in the conference, Mexican diplomacy did show great interest in the gathering. For a country that had formally sided with the United States after the beginning of the cold war, Mexico's flirtation with the Non-Aligned Movement represented a detour from the diplomatic path it had adopted at the end of the Second World War. This work argues that Mexico's engagement with the Non-Aligned Movement presents a different dimension of the country's international strategy during the 1960s, reflecting Mexico's desire to loosen the bipolar constraints that limited its economic development and increase its leverage with Washington.     

The Commission Knocked Out Cold: Laura Serrano and the End of the Mexico City Prohibition of Women's Boxing in the 1990s

This article examines the conflict over the legalisation of women's boxing in Mexico City in the 1990s. In 1995, Laura Serrano's Women's International Boxing Federation world boxing title put pressure on the legal system that had banned women from professional boxing in the Mexican capital since 1946. As the visibility of women's boxing grew in Mexico, Serrano publicly fought to end the ban in her home city. The Mexico City Boxing Commission's moral arguments and medical discourses about the female body became increasingly untenable as politics of gender equality won in importance. Using a range of sources, including Mexican newspapers and magazines, government gazettes, congress proceedings, and an autobiographical text by Serrano, this article illustrates the interplay of gender ideologies and institutional structures during an important period in Mexican political history. After seven decades of uninterrupted Institutional Revolutionary Party rule, power of the Mexican capital shifted to the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) when Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas became the city's first elected governor in 1997. Although the PRD politically claimed the end of the prohibition in 1998, the shift in power cost Serrano the best paid boxing event of her career. It took another legal reform that outlawed discrimination in sports to force the Commission to finally regulate women's boxing in 1999.     

Averting a global financial crisis: the US,the IMF,and the Mexican debt crisis of 1976

This article explains the politics and diplomacy of the initial use of an International Monetary Fund (IMF) adjustment program as a tactic in a strategy to avert a possible global banking crisis. Scholars typically date the strategy to the Reagan administration's response to the sovereign debt crises in Eastern Europe and Latin America in the early 1980s. This article demonstrates that the approach originated instead during the 1976 Mexican debt crisis – the first potential postwar default by a developing country that threatened international bank failures. Key US and Mexican officials recognized that an IMF program of currency devaluation and austerity would probably fail in its stated objective of reducing Mexico's balance of payments deficit. Nevertheless, US Treasury and Federal Reserve officials, fearing that a Mexican default might lead to bank failures and subsequent global financial crisis, intervened to an unprecedented degree in the negotiations between the IMF and Mexico. The United States offered direct financial support and worked through diplomatic channels to insist that Mexico accept an IMF adjustment program, as a way of bailing out US banks. Mexican president Luis Echeverría's administration consented to IMF adjustment because officials perceived it as the least politically costly option among a range of alternatives.     

Intellectual property and national security: the case of the hardcastle superheater, 1905–1927

ABSTRACT

This article explores the complex and changing relationship between technological development, intellectual property, and national security in late Victorian and Edwardian Britain. Its specific case study concerns an important invention developed by a naval officer. Technological innovations not only were vital to British security but also embodied commercially valuable intellectual property. The state’s interest in acquiring control of the intellectual property to maintain Britain’s naval supremacy was not automatically aligned with the interests of inventors. The alignment was especially fraught in the case of service inventors—that is, inventors in government service, rather than in the private sector. Service inventors, who played a crucial role in maintaining Britain’s naval-technological edge, were governed by special regulations, and they invariably utilized state resources for their inventive work. Exploring these issues sheds important light on the attitude of the British state toward innovation and technological development from the 1850s through the 1920s.     

Building the nation of the future,one waiting room at a time: hospital murals in the making of modern Mexico

Abstract

Mid-twentieth century Mexican hospitals – the buildings themselves and their interior and exterior walls – became stages that depicted national hopes and aspirations. Hospitals and clinics became ideal spaces that married science and medicine with the state’s version of a triumphant social revolution. Visitors and patients to hospital waiting rooms, lobbies and auditoriums would see, indeed be surrounded by, depictions of the complicated hopes placed on science and medicine as interpreted by politicians, architects, and artists. Hospital walls became contested spaces where art depicted Mexico’s embrace of modern technology and medical practices while also showcasing, in vivid color, citizens challenging the government’s broken revolutionary promises, especially the right of all to health and social security.     

José Zorrilla in Mexico: Transatlantic Romanticism and the Question of Artistic Labour

This article explores the strategic use of literary form in the Mexican writings of José Zorrilla. The article focuses on México y los mexicanos (1856), a letter Zorrilla wrote to his fellow Spanish Romantic playwright, Ángel de Saavedra, the Duke of Rivas. Zorrilla’s México y los mexicanos is a rare piece of epistolary writing in Spanish Romanticism as well as one of the first literary histories of Mexico. Often overlooked in the letter, however, is Zorrilla’s economic critique of the precarious condition of artists in both Mexico and Spain. A conservative moderado, Zorrilla could not air his concerns publicly without the threat of retribution from his fellow conservative colleagues in Spain. Zorrilla thus used the epistolary form, the article argues, in order to surreptitiously introduce the economic plight of artists into mainstream Spanish as well as Mexican political discourse. Read in this context, Zorrilla’s letter makes visible the fundamental role a transatlantic Romantic vision of labour played in shaping nineteenth-century political discourse in both the Iberian Peninsula and Latin America.     

"The Big and the Small of it" Perspectives in Latin American-U.S.Relations

Linda B. Hall. OIL, banks, and Politics: The United States and Postrevolutionary Mexico, 1917–1924
Thomas F. O'brien. The Revolutionary Mission: American Enterprise in Latin America, 1900–1945