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夏鲁寺由于在古代西藏政治、宗教中的特殊地位,和寺内保存较为完好、精美绝伦的古代藏传佛教艺术,自本世纪40年代以来,一直成为国内外学术界关注的焦点。意大利著名藏学家G·杜齐的《西藏画卷》、罗伯特·维塔利的《早期中部西藏寺院》、王毅和宿白50年代的缜密考察及陈耀东对其建筑源流的探讨,都是40年代以来在夏鲁 相似文献
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一建造年代及现状夏鲁寺位于西藏日喀则东南约20公里处的一个河谷平地上,现属日喀则市甲措区。寺北有元明时期沙鲁万户府城址。夏鲁寺由沙鲁万户的先世所创建。《夏鲁寺史》记载:夏鲁寺建于兔年(丁卯、宋哲宗元祐二年、1087年),建寺者为杰尊·喜饶迥乃。松巴《方格年表》考订为龙年(庚辰、宋仁宗康定元年、1040年)。后来寺院迎请布顿大师(1290~1364年)主持寺务,从而 相似文献
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由湖南省博物馆、西藏文物局、民族文化宫联合举办的佛光里的神秘西藏展览,于2011年月12月28日至2012年4月1日在湖南省博物馆隆重展出。该展览汇集了西藏博物馆、布达拉宫、罗布林卡、敏竹林寺、萨迦寺、山南地区雅砻历史博物馆、夏鲁寺、扎什伦布寺、 相似文献
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在《元史》、《造像量度经》中对阿尼哥的评价较高,但现存能明确认定属于阿尼哥制作、具有"阿尼哥风格"的作品却几乎没有。本文通过比较世界各地保存的13世纪中期至14世纪上半叶制作的造像和绘画,考证出其中一些作品具有"阿尼哥风格"。阿尼哥风格是在纽瓦尔风格的基础上,融合波罗印度、西藏以及汉地本土的因素,由阿尼哥及其工作团队共同创造而形成,具有独特的波罗风格与"藏式元代"风格相结合的特点。从萨迦寺经大都到夏鲁寺,阿尼哥风格在"尼藏"和"藏汉"之间形成了一个完美的传播轨迹。 相似文献
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奏销制度是财政制度的重要内容之一。清代的奏销制度有一个逐步完善的过程 ,在这一过程中 ,既借鉴、承袭了前朝的某些规章 ,又在新的政策指导规范下有所修改补充。本文在叙述奏销行政组织职能与奏销程序的基础上 ,主要对常规奏销制度和战时奏销制度以及与此相关的政策演变做系统探讨 ,以期明了清代前期钱粮奏销的程序和运作特点 ,及制度与政策、财政与吏治的相互关系。 相似文献
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The devastation wrought by landmines on local populations is well known. However, the broader effects of mine presence on postwar recovery, and the progress of a ‘peace process’, remain largely unexamined. Both the academic and the practitioner literature regarding landmines lack a framework within which the mix of economic, political, social, agricultural, and ecological repercussions of mine presence in a context of postwar recovery can be investigated. Here, we consider the utility of political ecology to examine the influence of landmine presence on the socioecological relations important to postwar recovery in Mozambique. Landmines constitute the primary obstacle to the reconstruction and development in Mozambique. Because mine presence influences different aspects of recovery differently, we have selected three cases in the country where mine presence has impacted important components of recovery: agriculture, transportation corridors, and international investment. Peace process and recovery efforts by the international community do not presently address the broader, non-medical influences of landmine presence on recovery, and it is the intention of this article to contribute to an initial examination of these issues. 相似文献
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Tracy Ying Zhang 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2016,22(2):123-146
This paper examines how acrobatics was imbued with multiple meanings through the practices of nation-state building and international diplomacy. More specifically, the author discusses why the Chinese government chose acrobatics to facilitate the Sino-US rapprochement and the implications of this cultural diplomacy for the governments as well as the acrobats. Drawing on oral history interviews and archival data, this study demonstrates how the relationship between acrobatics and the ideas of ‘Chinese revolution’ was established, strengthened, disrupted, and finally re-modified to facilitate China’s relations with the West. This historical investigation advances the literature on performing arts and politics by exposing the political logics in the North-South exchange. As important, the analysis of acrobats’ engagement with Cold War politics evades state-centric narratives and contributes to an understanding of international diplomacy from a bottom-up perspective. 相似文献
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Simo Häyrynen 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2013,19(5):623-640
This article examines the reactions of Finnish cultural policy to the neoliberal turn in its societal environment. The analysis of cultural policy documents in 1990–2010 concentrates on three particular elements of societal change: the reforms in public management, the reorientations in international relations and the paradigm of immaterial production. It is argued here that besides the mythical democratic pluralism of the Nordic welfare states, cultural policy treats newcomers to the political arena selectively. Consequently, the system, constructed originally for protecting free artistic expression and equal distribution of cultural possibilities, has been in the front line of political market orientation in Finland. The orientation is modelled rhetorically after the ideas of cultural pluralism and economic efficiency; in practice, the fight has been a technocratic one between different notions of governmental responsibilities. This mechanism stresses formal procedures at the expense of ad hoc negotiations, leading to a centralised market orientation. 相似文献
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Carol L. Clark 《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(2):88-112
The author examines the role played by the economic geography of the former Soviet Union in the evolution of labor relations in Russian industry, using the iron and steel industry as a case study. More specifically, three regional factors are analyzed as they affect enterprise economic strategies, organization, and management-labor relations: (1) the inherited industrial structure; (2) the degree of product specialization at the regional level; and (3) the level and sophistication of regional political and labor structures combined with the presence (or lack of same) of a “regional agenda.” These factors are examined within the context of a model predicting several possible variants of post-communist labor relations at the enterprise level. 36 references. 相似文献
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James H. Johnson 《Romance Quarterly》2013,60(2):109-112
This article examines the contradictions underlying the Falangist feminine ideal as it oscillated between demure/traditional and enterprising/modern in the rhetoric of the Sección Femenina. As the author demonstrates, the peculiarity of the Sección Femenina—which acted as the dominant cultural filter for women's familial, social, and political obligations at the time—stems from its leaders' at once-dominated (vis-à-vis the state) and dominant (vis-à-vis the female constituents) position in the cultural, social, national, and political landscape of post-civil war Spain. Although the retrograde ways of the Sección Femenina, whose statutes and rhetoric drew on the nineteenth-century bourgeois discourse of different and complementary gender relations, have elicited numerous studies, this article examines the use of this familiar and unthreatening (to the regime) model of female formation as the legitimating basis of its unconventional praxis. 相似文献
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冷战后美国国会出台的对华政治提案压倒性多数是不利于中美关系良性发展的干涉中国内政的提案。在绝大多数对华政治提案的表决上,美国国会通过率极高,并且国会两党议员易于跨越党派界线形成高度一致的立场。通过对华政治提案的不断提出与表决,美国国会以所谓的中国"人权问题"在一定程度上牵制了白宫对华政策,使得人权问题成为影响中美关系全面发展的结构性矛盾。 相似文献
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Mahjoob Zweiri PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2016,25(1):4-18
This article examines the role of Iran in Yemen within the context of Arab‐Iranian relations. It also examines the debate on the involvement of Iran in the ongoing political developments in Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria. The article focuses on the Houthi Movement in Yemen, its origin, growth and political expansion. It also investigates its relations with Iran and its allies in the region, and discusses other factors that strengthened its political image in Yemen. The article also provides an early assessment of the implication of the Decisive Storm military led by Saudi Arabia. 相似文献
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根据2000—2001年全美亚裔政治态度试点调查的原始数据,通过拉美裔跨国政治活动与亚裔的比较,从美国亚裔政治上能否被同化,政治活动能否跨国界、哪些亚裔参与跨国政治、亚裔的政治跨国主义和政治同化关系等方面,对美国亚裔跨国政治活动的形成、特点及其相互关系进行实证分析。结论是,亚裔在许多方面与拉美裔等其他移民群体有相似的特点;反对亚裔“不可同化论”;亚裔保持跨国联系不会对他们在美国的文化、政治同化产生负面影响;那些移民前积极参政、在美国积极参与族裔社区组织活动、积极参与和亚裔事务有关政治活动的亚裔,参与跨国政治的比例较高。 相似文献
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Petra Desatova 《亚洲研究评论》2018,42(4):682-700
ABSTRACTThis paper examines nation branding in the context of post-coup Thailand. It challenges the dominant view within the nation-branding literature that nation branding is an externally-oriented, apolitical, business-derived practice aimed at increasing a country’s global competitive advantage. Instead, the paper argues, nation branding is a highly-politicised practice that is primarily aimed at changing the social attitudes and behaviours of the nation’s citizens. To demonstrate the political nature and internal focus of nation branding, this paper examines one of Thailand’s recent branding initiatives – the Thailand 4.0 project – that promotes sustainable economic growth in a digital age. The paper first discusses nation branding from a theoretical perspective drawing on studies in the fields of business, international relations, culture and the media. Secondly, it contextualises Thai nation branding within the political developments of the past decade. Thirdly, it analyses the project’s contents and surrounding discourses, drawing on primary data gathered during the author’s 2016 field research in Thailand. The paper argues that Thailand 4.0 is an exercise in internal nation branding aimed at enhancing the military junta’s power and legitimacy by “selling” a vision of economic prosperity to the Thai people in exchange for their support, trust and loyalty. 相似文献