Managing escalation: missile defence,strategy and US alliances

Missile defence plays an increasing role in NATO and in most US alliances in Asia, which raises the question of what impact it has on the management of extended deterrence. Extended deterrence relies on the threat of escalation. Since the costs of escalation are different for different allies, the management of extended deterrence is inherently difficult. Missile defence shifts the relative costs of conflict, and therefore also impacts on the alliance bargains that underpin agreement on extended deterrence strategy. Although increased defensive capacity is a clear net benefit, the strategic effects of its deployment and use can still be complex if, for example, missile defence increases the chances of localizing a conflict. The article discusses the role of missile defences for the US homeland, and of the territory and population of US allies, for extended deterrence credibility and the reassurance of US allies in Asia and in NATO. It argues that there is increased scope in strengthening deterrence by enmeshing the defence of the US homeland with that of its allies, and that allies need to pay closer attention to the way the deployment and use of missile defence influence pressures for escalation. In general, missile defence thus reinforces the need for the United States and its allies in Europe and Asia to negotiate an overall alliance strategy.     

US missile defence and China's nuclear posture: changing dynamics of an offence–defence arms race

This article examines the rising prominence of strategic nuclear deterrence in Sino‐US relations. China is the only major nuclear power that has been actively expanding its offensive capabilities. Its nuclear modernization has inevitably caused concerns in the United States. The article suggests that China's nuclear programme is driven significantly by US missile defence, which has fundamentally altered the incentive structures for Chinese nuclear deterrence. The article also assesses the latest Chinese perception of US strategic adjustment under the Obama administration and its potential impact on arms control. It reveals that recent measures by the United States to restrain its missile defense could be conducive for achieving a strategic nuclear understanding between the two countries. The article then suggests a number of concrete actions for China and the United States to realize such an understanding.     

Educating the guardians: The politics of the Australian defence force academy

In 1978–80 there was a fierce debate in public and in private over the proposal to create a new university for the academic education of officer cadets from the three services. This debate was one of the most intense and widespread in the defence area since the Vietnam War.

The pressure for a single tri‐service military academy goes back at least to the early 1960s. It reflects a broader movement in the defence field towards centralization of functions and reduction of the influence of the three separate services. Significantly, the tri‐service proposal was accepted by a Labor government in 1974 and by a Liberal‐CP government in 1976.

Opposition to the proposal came principally from the three services, the universities and parliamentarians from all parties. Hearings by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works provided a forum for criticism which was widely reported in the media.

In the event the Public Works Committee recommended against proceeding with the project but was overridden by the government The episode illustrates significant aspects of civil‐military relations and the workings of the political process.     

Competition and cooperation among jurisdictions: The case of regional cooperation in science and technology in Europe

This article analyzes the possible conflict between regional cooperation and jurisdiction and the cases in which cooperation is compatible with competition. This analysis is carried out beginning with the concrete case of regional cooperation that has been called the ‘Four Motors for Europe’ established in the field of cooperation in science and technology. The basis for the analysis of cooperation between jurisdictions in science and technology is the same as that for cooperation in the same field between companies. It allows the establishment of when this cooperation can degenerate into collusion or else when the result is a socially efficient organization. The risk of regional cooperation in science and technology is that it degenerates into collusion between the regions that occupy a more favourable technological position at the cost of those that are in a worse situation. The solution in order to avoid this risk would be to guarantee political competition in the same way that through regulations competition in the market is guaranteed.     

Green politics and environmental ethics: A defence of human welfare ecology

A major strand of environmentalist thought identifies the supposedly anthropocentric foundations of Western attitudes to nature as a fundamental cause of the environmental crisis. On the basis of this analysis they suggest that the development and widespread acceptance of a ‘biocentric’ or ‘ecocentric’ ethos is a primary requirement for the ultimate development of an ecologically benign society. This view can be questioned for a number of reasons. The causal significance of anthropocentrism is not as clear as had been supposed, attempts to formulate such an ethos have failed on logical or ethical grounds, and it is possible to put forward a fully developed environmentalist position which remains anthropocentric. What has been called ‘human welfare ecology’ has the potential to provide a more coherent, developed and politic eco‐political theory than attempts to base such a theory on a ‘biocentric’ or ‘ecocentric’ ethos.     

Britain's coalition government and EU defence cooperation: undermining British interests

The formation of a coalition government by the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, combined with the need for important cuts to Britain's armed forces has raised significant uncertainties about Britain's attitude to defence cooperation within the European Union. Since taking office the coalition, while grappling with the implications of Britain's fiscal challenges, has shown an unprecedented interest in strengthening bilateral defence collaborations with certain European partners, not least France. However, budgetary constraints have not induced stronger support for defence cooperation at the EU level. On the contrary, under the new government, Britain has accelerated its withdrawal from the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This article assesses the approach of the coalition to the CSDP. It argues that, from the perspective of British interests, the need for EU defence cooperation has increased over the last decade and that the UK's further withdrawal from EU efforts is having a negative impact. The coalition is undermining a framework which has demonstrated the ability to improve, albeit modestly, the military capabilities of other European countries. In addition, by sidelining the EU at a time when the UK is forced to resort more extensively to cost‐saving synergies in developing and maintaining its own armed forces, David Cameron's government is depriving itself of the use of potentially helpful EU agencies and initiatives—which the UK itself helped set up. Against the background of deteriorating European military capabilities and shifts in US priorities, the article considers what drove Britain to support EU defence cooperation over a decade ago and how those pressures have since strengthened. It traces Britain's increasing neglect of the CSDP across the same period, the underlying reasons for this, and how the coalition's current stance of disengagement is damaging Britain's interests.     

Kings and favourites: politics and sexuality in late medieval Europe

This article examines the use of ‘discursive sodomy’ in political critique against five late medieval monarchs and their favourites. Sources from Castile, England and Sweden reveal common themes that recur. Contemporary sources frequently stated that the king’s love for his favourite was excessive and beyond measure; that the favourite was always by the king’s side and thereby hindered others from approaching him. Critics further claimed that the king showed no moderation in his generosity toward the favourite and that the difference in rank between the two men made their relationship suspicious. This paper argues that all four themes included allusions to same-sex desire with the purpose of implying that the natural order and hierarchies were put in jeopardy. The main issue at hand was that the king had been seduced or even bewitched and therefore was no longer in control. He had let another man dominate him.     

The American system: US foreign and domestic politics since the Second World War

Historians, like politicians, need to find a language and frame of reference to connect with their audience or readership. In the current US presidential campaign the candidates, Senators John McCain and Barack Obama, are offering the voters a bridge between the troubled past and a more hopeful future. The works under consideration in this review article employ a similar method. All the authors share the widely held view of the broad shape of US foreign relations since the Second World War, in particular the ideological struggle with the Soviet Union known as the Cold War followed by the more amorphous attempt to maintain American primacy, which has characterized the last two decades. Throughout this longer period the processes and goals of US foreign policy have been controversial: there has not, of course, been complete consensus. One topic which was and remains debated is the role and value of individuals, either high‐level politicians or senior diplomats, in the conduct of foreign policy. Another area of debate, often fierce argument, is the impact of domestic forces upon policy‐making. In the present case the leading example is provided by the amalgam of influences which determine US policy towards that nexus of competing interests often optimistically short‐handed as the Arab–Israeli peace process. One link between these two topics is the role of the US in multilateral bodies; and American actions within the United Nations and towards other international organizations are also examined. These and other related issues are contextualized geographically through an examination of American policies in the Greater Middle East, in particular the predominantly Muslim states which stretch eastwards from Egypt to India. While not providing a partisan political programme for the incoming president to follow, the collective message of these texts offers guidelines, even injunctions for the future conduct of US foreign policy.     

International migration and the politics of admission and exclusion in postwar Europe

"Although nation-states assume territorial, political and cultural boundedness, their boundaries are not uniform barriers, but rather are characterized by varying degrees of openness and closure to international migrants. The manipulation of the permeability of these boundaries constitutes the politics of admission and exclusion....This paper provides a discussion of the complex economic, political and social forces impinging on the politics of admission and exclusion and an analysis of how these forces have been operating in a particular historical and geographical context to determine the admission of international migrants into national territory and community....There are signs that the integration of nation-states into regional blocs such as the EC is shifting the politics of admission and exclusion practised by the dominant member countries to the supra-national scale."     

Discovering Eastern Europe: Perspectives on WAC's future cooperation with Bulgaria and Eastern European countries

En este artículo yo demuestro la relación entre la formación de WAC como una reacción polítical y moral al régimen de aparteid en Sur áfrica y los cambios en Europa después de la caída del Muro de Berlín. Arqueología como una disciplina en su propio derecho no puede continuar escondida tras objectivismo falso. La necesidad para re-evaluar los problemáticos pasados nacionalista de la mayoría de los países europeos crea un imperative para re-analizar los vínculos entre arqueología y los regímenes nazi y comunista. Es más, yo considero las realidades post-comunistas en Bulgaria y las maneres que los arqueóloqos reaccionan a la comercialización del Control de Herencia Cultural. Yo se?alo áreas que son importantes para cooperación entre el WAC y Bulgaria y otros países de Europa Oriental. Lo más importante son los esfuerzos cooperativos entre el WAC y los arqueólogos de los Balcanes para humanizar la disciplina. Durante los 1990s fue obvio que a través de sus “representaciones visuales” la arqueología contribuyó enormemente a mantener las actitutes nacionalistas que promovieron la guerra en los Balcanes.

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Résumé Dans cet article, je considère la relation entre la création du WAC, comme réaction morale et politique, le régime de l'apartheid en Afrique du Sud et les changements en Europe après la chute du mur de Berlin. L'archéologie, en tant que discipline dans son plein droit, ne peut plus se cacher derrière un faux objectivisme. Le besoin de ré-évaluer le passé nationaliste, trouble de la plupart des Etats Européens crée comme impératif le réexamen des liens entre l'archéologie et les régimes Nazi et Communiste. De plus, j'examine les réalités du post-comunisme en Bulgarie et la fa?on dont les archéologues réagissent à la commercalisation de la gestion du Patrimoine Culturel. Je souligne les domaines qui sont importants pour la coopération entre le WAC et la Bulgarie comme d'autres pays d'Europe de l'Est. Le plus important sont les efforts coopératifs entre le WAC et les archéologues des Balkans pour humaniser la discipline. Dans les années 90, il est devenu évident qu'à travers ses représentations visuelles l'archéologie a contribué énormément à maintenir des attitudes nationalistes qui ont favorisé la guerre dans les Balkans.

     

Metropolitan cooperation in Europe: Theoretical issues and perspectives for urban networking 1

In recent years urban entrepreneurialism has become a metropolitan strategy to cope with the challenges of an increasingly flexible global economy. Building on a debate about the problematic nature of this strategy we argue that cooperation of cities, or metropolitan cooperation, constitutes a new policy option for local actors which has the potential to overcome the negative effects of urban competition. In order to explore this potential we analyse the fundamental changes of the local state and existing cooperative efforts. This analysis shows that so far metropolitan cooperation is mainly experimental in character and a policy option that moves forward by trial and error and by learning from success and failure. We see this as partly due to a lack of an adequate theoretical framework dealing with the economics of urban systems. By way of synthesizing different academic discourses we suggest a conceptualization of metropolitan cooperation which takes into account the potential economic benefits and institutional requirements of cooperative behaviour of urban actors. Based on these considerations we establish criteria for suitable thematic fields of metropolitan cooperation and suggest forms of institutionalization.