首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
English summary

During the beginning of the 17th Century, reindeer‐husbandry developed as the dominating economic form of the Sami in Swedish Lappland. Sami society was transformed from a hunting to a pastoralist society, with profound alterations in social and economic structures. In this paper the role of trade as an agent of change in reindeer‐pastoralist economies is studied with an emphasis on conditions in Lule lappmark during the period 1760–1860.

In the middle of the 18th Century, the Sami held a dominating position in the trade of Lule lappmark. Sami traded with the Swedish trading system on the coast of the Gulf of Bothnia, and with the Norwegian trading system on the Atlantic coast. Through this trade, the Sami both disposed of their own reindeer products and conducted important middle‐man trade between the two national trading systems. In addition they carried out a large local trade in Lapland with their own products and with purchased goods.

By the middle of the 19th Centuy. the picture is completely different. The dominating Sami position had been lost and trade with Norway all but disappeared. The initiative in the local trade had gone over to the settlers. All this had occured without any changes in the assortment of goods, trading‐patterns, the volume of trade or prices. The reasons where manifold. The most important ones, however, are to be found in the population development of Lapland and the increase in population and production on the coast of Bothnia.

In Lapland a strong population movement occured with the change from a traditional Sami way of life towards a more settled one based on agriculture. At the same time, the number of settlers with a Swedish ethnic background vigourosly increased. On the coast of Bothnia the population tripled between 1750 and 1850. During this period an important proto‐industrial development also took place based on wood and iron, wind‐ and water‐power. All this meant that the relative importance of traditional Sami goods received from reindeer‐husbandry diminished, even if actual supply and demand remained stable.

The great volume of trade with reindeer‐products and the many important goods received in return demonstrates the importance of trade for the reindeer‐pastoralist economy. The trading‐goods were to a large extent technically superior to the products produced within the frames of the reindeer‐pastoralist economy. The most important factor was, however, the fact that the surplus production left in exchange for these goods, only demanded a small increase in labor input.

Within the reindeer‐pastoralist society, trade has a role as promotor of property‐differentiation and social stratification. Through hoarding of silver the rich reindeer‐owner could withdraw a substantial part of his property from the eternal plague of reindeer‐pastoralism ‐ the ever occuring bad years with heavy losses of reindeer. After such a year, he could use the silver to buy food, saving his diminished herd from slaughter and quickly building it up again. The owner of a small herd, without any silver, had to slaughter the few reindeer that survived in order to live; hence social differences could be conserved over generations.  相似文献   

2.
3.
The court sites in south‐west Norway are a key material for discussing aspects of Roman period archaeology. So far, the Stand der Forschung is not satisfactory, mainly because the excavations that took place in the middle of the 20th century have not so far led to more systematic and synthesising studies being undertaken. It is argued in the article that the court sites can be considered indicative of central settlements in the Roman period, and that the sites were multifunctional. They probably served as gathering places for social activities like games, things and ritual, as production sites, and maybe as temporary accommodation for chieftains' retinues playing a role in intra‐Norwegian or perhaps Scandinavian military confrontations. The latter aspect is considered in some detail in the article, and it is suggested that the court site organisation is indicative of a Roman period (petty) south‐west Norwegian kingdom, and that the bog offering in Illerup place A might have originated from a south‐west Norwegian army defeated by ‘Danish’ forces. On an international level the court sites are an unparalleled type of archaeological monument reflecting social and functional aspects of general interest for European archaeology.  相似文献   

4.

Along the coast of Norway we find a family of closely‐related boats. The Nordlands boat is one of them, and in many respects it is the most modern. The plan for the shape of these boats is typically coded into figures. Thus the “secret” of the boat's structure is a sort of “number code”. The question addressed here is: to what extent can the shape of the hull in Viking ships be expressed as a number code similar to that of the 19th‐century west‐coast boats of Norway. The principles behind the methods used to explore this question will be illustrated by three basic concepts, which will be treated separately below.  相似文献   

5.

This article discusses the reliability of shore‐line displacement curves based on pollen analysis in the Oslo Fjord area. The conclusion is that only small parts of the curves ‐ in the late Atlantic period ‐ are fairly reliable for the purpose of dating Mesolithic coastal sites.

Twelve Mesolithic settlement sites from Østfold, south‐eastern Norway are classified morphologically. The author suggests a chronological lineal model with four succeeding phases: 1. The Fosna culture, 2. Late Boreal/early Atlantic group, 3. The N?stvet culture, 4. Late flint‐point using group. A connection between the Fosna culture and early Maglemose culture is claimed.

A study of the ecological adaptation in the four phases is based on topographical conditions, on the distribution and situation of settlement sites, and on animal bones from three Mesolithic sites in south‐eastern Norway. Hypotheses on seasonal migrations are suggested.  相似文献   

6.
Occupants of coastal and island eastern Africa—now known as the ‘Swahili coast’—were involved in long‐distance trade with the Indian Ocean world during the later first millennium CE. Such exchanges may be traced via the appearance of non‐native animals in the archaeofaunal record; additionally, this record reveals daily culinary practises of the members of trading communities and can thus shed light on subsistence technologies and social organisation. Yet despite the potential contributions of faunal data to Swahili coast archaeology, few detailed zooarchaeological studies have been conducted. Here, we present an analysis of faunal remains from new excavations at two coastal Zanzibar trading locales: the small settlement of Fukuchani in the north‐west and the larger town of Unguja Ukuu in the south‐west. The occurrences of non‐native fauna at these sites—Asian black rat (Rattus rattus ) and domestic chicken (Gallus gallus ), as well as domestic cat (Felis catus )—are among the earliest in eastern Africa. The sites contrast with one another in their emphases on wild and domestic fauna: Fukuchani's inhabitants were economically and socially engaged with the wild terrestrial realm, evidenced not only through diet but also through the burial of a cache of wild bovid metatarsals. In contrast, the town of Unguja Ukuu had a domestic economy reliant on caprine herding, alongside more limited chicken keeping, although hunting or trapping of wild fauna also played an important role. Occupants of both sites were focused on a diversity of near‐shore marine resources, with little or no evidence for the kind of venturing into deeper waters that would have required investment in new technologies. Comparisons with contemporaneous sites suggest that some of the patterns at Fukuchani and Unguja Ukuu are not replicated elsewhere. This diversity in early Swahili coast foodways is essential to discussions of the agents engaged in long‐distance maritime trade. © 2017 The Authors International Journal of Osteoarchaeology Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.  相似文献   

7.
Kandilk?r?, one of the two prehistoric settlements of the ancient city of Laodikeia on the Lykos River (Laodicea ad Lycum), was settled during the Early Bronze Age (EBA) 2 and 3 periods. The present study attempts to provide an overall assessment of questions pertaining to seals and sealing practices in south‐western Anatolia, raised due to the discovery of a lead stamp seal at Kandilk?r?. In EBA 2, metal seals appeared alongside the pre‐existing clay ones, and by the end of the EBA 3, negatives of metal seals seem to have been added to the ‘trinket mould’ repertoire of artisans, who mainly cast lead and were active along the trade routes. The custom of seal usage in the Near East seems to have been partially adopted in south‐west Anatolia in the EBA, then passed to mainland Greece from this region. It is proposed that the south‐western corner of Anatolia might have played a more active role in the transport of Near Eastern ideas as a result of its closer proximity to the Mediterranean coast, and that at least a part of this connection might have been established via sea routes.  相似文献   

8.
Since November 2007 an underwater project has been carried out by the Archaeological Research Unit of the University of Cyprus, in collaboration with the Department of Antiquities, at a shipwreck on the south coast, 14 miles south‐west of Larnaca. Its cargo consists mainly of Chian amphoras and has been provisionally dated to the 3rd quarter of the 4th century BC. The good state of preservation of the site gives an opportunity for studying amphora stowage and the wreck‐formation process. Moreover, it can shed new light on sea‐routes and trade between Cyprus and the Aegean during the late Classical period. © 2010 The Author  相似文献   

9.
Human skeletal remains from the Neolithic sites BHS18 in the interior of the Sharjah Emirate and the Neolithic shell midden UAQ2 (Umm al‐Quwain) on the coast of the Persian Gulf (United Arab Emirates, UAE) were analysed for their isotope ratios of strontium (87Sr/86Sr) and oxygen (18O/16O). The results are not in agreement with earlier assumptions about a Neolithic nomadism between inland regions and the south‐eastern coast of the Persian Gulf. Existing evidence of nomadic movements of the people from BHS18 most possibly refers to transhumance within the mountains in the hinterland. The strontium isotope measurements on human skeletons from UAQ2 on the contrary indicate uninterrupted residence of this population on the coast. Nevertheless, evidence was found of individual mobility between inland regions and the coast.  相似文献   

10.
Based on a theoretical approach of diaspora theory and the use of ethnographical comparative analysis, it is argued that the early settlement of South Norway probably brought about diasporic conditions. Archaeological and natural science records are applied to discuss the migrations of mobile hunter-gatherers with a shamanistic reindeer culture from the Continent, after deglaciation of the Weichselian ice cap. This paper discusses the diasporic people's identity, their survival as a group, their adaptation to the new environment and the development of an independent reindeer culture characterized by relics and meeting places, after the break in the regular contact between people in the area of origin and South Norway.  相似文献   

11.
A heavy accumulation of exotica and valuables, such as gold, copper, carnelian and Mediterranean shells, distinguishes the Black Sea littoral from other parts of the east Balkans in the fifth millennium BC. 1 Recent discoveries shed new light on the trading connections of the coastal communities and indicate that maritime activity was germane to the origin of their extraordinary wealth. This article investigates the involvement of the coastal inhabitants with the sea. It addresses the ecological conditions and the technical parameters of prehistoric seafaring on the west coast of the Black Sea, considers the remains of marine species in the faunal record as an indication of maritime experience, and examines the artefactual record for signs of movement of goods and people between the coastal communities. The combination of these separate lines of evidence points to a maritime trading route joining the resource‐poor north with the resource‐rich south of the littoral in the Chalcolithic period. Moreover, it implies that sea‐borne trade not only enabled the accumulation of material wealth, but also was pivotal for social change.  相似文献   

12.
In this short article I consider the relationship between glacial melt water that empties into the sea, and early coastal colonization by hunter‐gatherers. In addition, I contend that this archaeological/oceanographical case study from the Swedish west coast is a model that can be applied to other coastal areas of the world with raised beaches, and where similar conditions prevailed during the close of the Late Glacial and the beginning of the early Post Glacial.  相似文献   

13.
The timing and origin of reindeer domestication has been highly debated. Recent molecular analyses show several mitochondrial lineages of domestic reindeer across Eurasia suggesting different origins of Fennoscandian and Siberian domestic reindeer. In order to investigate the origin of domestic Fennoscandian reindeer, we sequenced a mitochondrial control region fragment of 68 ancient reindeer remains from archaeological sites in Finnmark, the major county for extant reindeer husbandry in Norway, spanning from ca. BC 3400 to AD 1800. The majority of the Stone and Iron Age reindeer assemblages in Finnmark are from settlements in the eastern part of the county, in the Varangerfjord area. The reindeer remains from these settlements show affiliation to the large and complex Beringian haplotype cluster, found in extant reindeer from the Kola Peninsula to north-eastern Russia. A distinct haplotype shift is observed in the late medieval period, when the typical haplotype signatures of extant domestic Fennoscandian reindeer appeared in coastal regions of both eastern and western Finnmark. These haplotypes were not found among the Stone and Iron Age wild reindeer samples of Finnmark, suggesting that this population was not ancestral to extant domestic reindeer of Fennoscandia.  相似文献   

14.
Small fragments of cremated human bone, clearly representing numerous individuals, were found in a stratified Neolithic context in a small cave at Jebel Faya in the Central Region of the Emirate of Sharjah, United Arab Emirates. With radiocarbon dates between 6500 and 5800 cal BC, they are among the earliest well‐documented cases of cremations in south‐west Asia. Taxonomic identification of the small burned bone fragments is based on morphological and histological analysis. The deposits are to date the oldest human remains found in south‐east Arabia and represent a phase during the Middle Neolithic for which no other types of burials have yet been documented.  相似文献   

15.
侯甬坚 《人文地理》1992,7(3):56-63
运用空间地理规律探讨历史区域的空间发展过程,在古代中国具有十分良好有利的客观条件。本文基于较大空间尺度和较长历史时限,针对区域地理诸多分异现象的发生和变化,系统阐述了这一规律的三个方面(纬度地带性规律、经度省性和垂直地带性规律),在不同区域或地带空间发展过程中突出的表现特点和影响形式。  相似文献   

16.
Protection of nature for biodiversity, and for the material livelihoods of Indigenous peoples, have much in common. Indigenous relations to nature are, however, based on unity between use and protection, implying that human use is necessary for effective protection. Often protected areas include the homelands of Indigenous peoples, whose needs and rights are still being ignored to a large extent. This paper explores the effects of a plan for a significant increase of large nature protection areas in Norway, still under implementation. Most of the new protection areas are in the heartland of the Indigenous Sámi, whose core livelihood is reindeer management. The plan implies transfer of jurisdiction from Indigenous and local domains to formalised central domains. In several cases, this has provoked Indigenous and rural groups to organised resistance. In this case study, there are signs of new tensions between Sámi and other rural groups. Indigenous land use can be marginalised by park restrictions and increasing pressure from visitor activity. The Sámi response was to boycott the park management board leading to a stalemate. A robust solution seems to require consideration of deeper institutional levels.  相似文献   

17.
In this paper the difficulties of distinguishing between commerce in the sense of exchange of products (i.e. more locally organized trade between neighbours/districts) and trade carried out as the main occupation for certain people, are discussed. These are questions very closely connected with the urbanization process of Norway. With the material from Kaupang (Skiringssal) as a point of departure, the author discusses two ways of finding out what type of trade was carried out in Viking Age Norway: A) One may look for the same combination of names found at Kaupang in other places. These seem to reveal ‘town‐making’ features. B) Ask whether any of the still existing medieval towns in Norway have had a pre‐urban stage. At the end of the paper the author discusses the possibilities of tracing different commodities which were traded over the different ports or market‐places.  相似文献   

18.
P. W. Cromie  Khin Zaw 《Geofluids》2003,3(2):133-143
Carlin‐type gold deposits in southern China are present in Palaeozoic to Mesozoic siliciclastic and carbonate rocks. The border region of Yunnan, Guizhou and Guangxi Provinces contains gold deposits on the south‐western margin of the Pre‐Cambrian South China Craton in south‐eastern Yunnan Province. The Fu Ning gold deposits host epigenetic, micron‐sized disseminated gold in: (i) Middle Devonian (D1p) black carbonaceous mudstone at the Kuzhubao gold deposit and (ii) fault breccia zones at the contact between Triassic gabbro (β ) and the Devonian mudstone (D1p) at the Bashishan gold deposit. The deposits are associated with zones of intense deformation with enhanced permeability and porosity that focused hydrothermal fluid flow, especially where low‐angle N‐S striking thrust faults are cut by NW striking strike‐slip and/or NE striking normal faults. Major sulphide ore minerals in the Fu Ning gold deposits are pyrite, arsenopyrite, arsenic‐rich pyrite, stibnite and minor iron‐poor sphalerite. Gangue minerals are quartz, sericite, calcite, ankerite and chlorite. Hypogene ore grades range from 1 to 7 g t?1 Au and up to 18 g t?1 Au at the Kuzhubao gold deposit and are generally less than 3 g t?1 Au at the Bashishan gold deposit. Sub‐microscopic gold mineralization is associated with finely disseminated arsenic‐rich pyrite in the Stage III mineral assemblage. Two types of primary fluid inclusions have been recorded: Type I liquid–vapour inclusions with moderate‐to‐high liquid/vapour ratios, and Type II inclusions containing moderate liquid/vapour ratios with CO2 as determined from laser Raman analysis. Temperature of homogenization (Th) data collected from these primary fluid inclusions in gold‐ore Stage III quartz ranged from 180 to 275°C at the Kuzhubao gold deposit and 210 to 330°C at the Bashishan gold deposit. Salinity results indicate that there were possibly two fluids present during gold deposition, including: (i) an early fluid with 0.8–6.5 wt.% NaCl equivalent, similar to salinity in shear‐zone‐hosted gold deposits with metamorphic derived fluids; and (ii) a late fluid with 11.8–13.4 wt.% NaCl equivalent, indicating possible derivation from connate waters and/or brine sources. CO2 and trace CH4 were only detected by laser Raman spectrometry in gold‐ore‐stage primary fluid inclusions. Results of sulphur isotope studies showed that δ34S values for pyrite and arsenopyrite associated with gold‐ore mineralization during Stage III at the Kuzhubao and Bashishan gold deposits are isotopically similar and moderately heavy with a range from +9 to +15 per mil, and also fall into the range of δ34S values reported for Carlin‐type gold deposits. Sulphur isotopes suggest that the Fu Ning gold deposits were formed from connate waters and/or basinal brines. Fluid geochemistry data from the Fu Ning gold deposits suggest a Carlin‐type genetic model, involving fluid mixing between: (i) deep CO2‐rich metamorphic fluids, (ii) moderately saline, reduced connate waters and/or basinal brines; and (iii) evolved meteoric waters.  相似文献   

19.
We evaluate whether entheseal changes (EC) can be used to reconstruct activity among reindeer to study its domestication. Humans influence reindeer activity patterns through corralling, which renders them less mobile than free‐ranging reindeer and through use as draught animals, which can result in overuse of certain muscles. There is also variation within free‐ranging reindeer in baseline activity levels due to environmental factors. Other sources of variation at entheses include age, sex, pathology, size, and genetic disposition. Here we examine if there are differences in the entheses between zoo versus free‐ranging reindeer. We recorded the entheses of reindeer long bones using a modified EC scoring system. Weight effects were accounted for by performing analyses separately for specimens under and over 95 kg, but unfortunately age information was lacking. We found that several flexor muscle insertion sites in the ulna were more developed among free‐ranging reindeer. This difference is likely due to feeding behaviour. The free‐ranging animals were digging for lichen from under the snow whereas the zoo reindeer were fed by their keepers. This difference in entheses, however, was found to be significant only among the heavier reindeer. Among the zoo reindeer, the insertion for Subscapularis muscle was more developed, possibly due to increased time spent immobile with the shoulder‐bracing muscle apparatus activated. This difference was significant among the heavier deer and nearly statistically significant among the lighter weight reindeer. Domesticated Siberian draught reindeer fell between zoo and free‐ranging reindeer in several tibial entheses. According to these results, some forelimb entheses may be useful to study differences in mobility and feeding patterns between groups of reindeer. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

20.
The First Mallorcans: Prehistoric Colonization in the Western Mediterranean   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The paper aims to elucidate the first human colonization of the western Mediterranean island of Mallorca by answering such questions as: What was the cultural identity of the first archaeologically identifiable human settlers? What was the chronology of colonization? Where did the colonizers originate? And what were their contacts during the initial phase of settlement? It is based on recently acquired chronological data and on a review of the classical sources. A precise chronology for the first colonization event is proposed, supporting the idea that human settlement on Mallorca started within the period 2350–2150 cal BC. The coast of Languedoc, between the rivers Vidourle and Rhône, is the most probable source region. Whether the first settlers were derived from an Early Bronze Age or a Late Copper Age mainland culture remains unresolved. A rapid initial population growth following initial colonization is proposed. The available evidence points to the development of an essentially isolated population on Mallorca, developing an autochthonous culture with only limited contacts to mainland regions.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号