从新《防卫计划大纲》看日本安全战略的调整方向

2010年12月17日,日本政府通过新的《防卫计划大纲》,确立了今后十年日本国家安全战略和防务政策的方向。“新大纲”首次明确指出中国的军事动向是“地区和国际社会的忧虑事项”,并做出一系列针对性的安全战略调整：将防卫对象直指中国,防卫力量构想改“基础性”为“机动性”,防卫重心由本土和北方移向“西南岛屿”,计划改革增强情报机构,酝酿构建亚太多边同盟体系等。本文就日本“新大纲”的内容变化以及针对中国的安全战略调整展开分析。     

论日本安保战略中的"有事法制"体系

冷战结束以来,与世界政治及安全形势的动荡与变化相适应,日本在外交与安保战略方面不断强化与美国的同盟关系,同时在国内积极推进以“有事法制”为核心的安全保障战略的重新定位与调整。尤其是以“有事法制”体系的建立为标志,日本关于国家安全战略的定位与方向性的政策研讨及法制建设基本完成,日本回归“普通国家”的过程进入了新的阶段。     

日本为何要“自卫”？

日前,日本政府向执政联盟的自民和公明两党提交决议案,规定当与日本关系密切的国家遭到武力攻击、从根本上对日本国民的生命和权利形成明确危险时,允许日本行使 “必要最小限度”的武力;还允许日本自卫队在“非战斗现场”对其他国家的军事行动进行后方支援,并要求对介于军事冲突与和平状态之间的“灰色地带”事态加强应对,简化下令出动日本自卫队的手续。     

20世纪30年代日本对我国南沙群岛政策的演变

20世纪30年代,日本对我国南沙群岛政策呈现出阶段性变化。1933年“九小岛事件”发生之际,日本在对外政策中坚持“协调外交”路线,与法国达成妥协,实现共存。1936年当“南进”政策成为日本的国策时,向我国南沙群岛的扩张成为日本实施向外南洋扩张计划中的一部分。随着日本军部逐渐主导国家对外决策及国际局势的新变化,日本外务省从极力反对海军省的行动演变为积极献策,一致主张驱逐法国势力,武力侵占我国南沙群岛。1939年3月末,日本将我国南沙群岛非法“编入”领土。20世纪30年代日本对我国南沙群岛政策演变是日本外务省、海军省基于国内政治与国际时局综合考量,也是他们分歧、折冲、平衡的结果。     

从日本2011年度《防卫白皮书》看日本的安全关切

本文以2011年日本《防卫白皮书》为基础,结合日本的国防政策,对新版日本《防卫白皮书》的方向性关注点进行了细致的分析,通过对该《白皮书》进行文本解读,对日本的安全关切进行了初步探讨。总结了《白皮书》中隐含的诸如关于中国军力、网络安全、大规模杀伤性武器和国际维和行动等方面日本新的关注动向。     

从日本2011年度《防卫白皮书》看日本的安全关切

本文以2011年日本《防卫白皮书》为基础,结合日本的国防政策,对新版日本《防卫白皮书》的方向性关注点进行了细致的分析,通过对该《白皮书》进行文本解读,对日本的安全关切进行了初步探讨。总结了《白皮书》中隐含的诸如关于中国军力、网络安全、大规模杀伤性武器和国际维和行动等方面日本新的关注动向。     

"台独"势力的"日本情结"问题

“台独”分子有一个共同的特性,就是都具有浓厚的“日本情结”,这也是驱动“台独”势力长期不遗余力从事分裂祖国活动和造成台湾问题久拖不决的重要因素。究其原因,主要有二：1、日本对台湾50年的殖民统治,特别是它所发动的“皇民化运动”的久远影响,是导致“台独”势力“日本情结”产生的历史原因;2、“台独”势力出于台湾“独立”的欲求,急需取得外部势力特别是与台湾渊源甚深的日本右翼势力的支持,这是“台独”势力“日本情结”产生的现实原因,也是主要原因。     

明末的"辽人"与"辽军"

“辽人”是明代东北地区的汉族区域群体,因长期的边塞生活而具有边疆特点的社会性格。后金进入辽东后,“辽人”有抗、殉、降、逃等不同的表现,反映出他们的复杂心态。清太祖晚年民族矛盾激化,“辽人”奋起抵抗,组成“岛兵”与“关宁辽军”两大军事集团,“辽军”遂成为抗金(清)主力。清太宗即位后,明、清双方展开了对“辽人”与“辽军”的争夺。清太宗调整民族政策,改善汉族待遇,并以军事胜利为后盾,重用、“思养”汉宫为政治号召,积极争取“辽军”,效果显,终于化顽敌为羽翼,大批“辽人”加入清军,为清朝开国做出了重要贡献。     

美苏"黄金时代"的比较研究

国策的要旨在于审视经济政策的社会政治效应。从特定角度观察 ,马克思的《资本论》是论证资本经济与社会运行的政治总进程 ,亚当·斯密的《国富论》是资本经济与社会自由放任运转的总图谱。在 2 0世纪 2 0年代 ,美国的“黄金时代”是把自由放任绝对化 ,她呼唤国策的“计划”属性 ;苏联的“黄金时代”引出把“指令计划”绝对化 ,它警示人们问鼎市场的重要性。两者共生现象是“重商轻农” ,美国重在股票投机 ,苏联多有投机倒把 ,酿成城里的失业大军与“农村人口过剩” ,结果引发出严重的经济危机、社会混乱与政治险象环生。美苏这类“黄金时代”在这里被称为“2 0世纪 2 0年代现象” ,它昭示当代国家结构优化与领袖群体良性互动的一大方位是 :经济、社会与政治在国策实践中辩证为一体 ,即求取宏观控制与微观灵活的适合本国国情的最佳结合点 ,这就是从远见卓识到真正承担责任的立体化创新     

论日本安保战略中的“有事法制”体系

冷战结束以来,与世界政治及安全形势的动荡与变化相适应,日本在外交与安保战略方面不断强化与美国的同盟关系,同时在国内积极推进以“有事法制”为核心的安全保障战略的重新定位与调整。尤其是以“有事法制”体系的建立为标志,日本关于国家安全战略的定位与方向性的政策研讨及法制建设基本完成,日本回归“普通国家”的过程进入了新的阶段。     

"中国统一化论争"的历史认识

本文试图说明20世纪前半期日本对中国的政治认识及其政策的结构.笔者的历史分析可概括为三个论点"9·18"事变前后在中国东北的日中经济冲突--政治逐步升级的论说;1932年日本政府对中国政治的认识论--否定"李顿调查报告书"的理论;1937年的日本论坛"中国统一化论争"中的新认识论--日益明确的对中国认识的坚固"岩盘".     

Rethinking security: a critical analysis of the Strategic Defence and Security Review

In 2010 the coalition government conducted a major review of defence and security policy. This article explores the review process from a critical perspective by examining and challenging the state‐centrism of prevailing conceptions of current policy reflected in the quest to define and perform a particular ‘national role’ in contrast to a human‐centric framework focused on the UK citizen. It argues that shifting the focus of policy to the individual makes a qualitative difference to how we think about requirements for the UK's armed forces and challenges ingrained assumptions about defence and security in relation to military operations of choice and attendant expensive, expeditionary war‐fighting capabilities. In particular, it confronts the prevailing narrative that UK national security‐as‐global risk management must be met by securing the state against pervasive multidimensional risk through military force, that military power projection capabilities are a vital source of international influence and national prestige and that the exercise of UK military power constitutes a ‘force for good’ for the long‐term human security needs of citizens in both the intervened and intervening state.     

All the way? The evolution of German military power

German strategic decision‐makers have to reconsider their approach to the use of force. In Afghanistan, the Bundeswehr is faced with the challenge of a growing insurgency. This situation requires a willingness to provide combat forces for the NATO‐led International Security Assistance Force. Hence, the conviction in German domestic politics that the Bundeswehr should only be employed for the purposes of stabilization and reconstruction is increasingly challenged by a changing operational reality in Afghanistan, and allies’ reluctance to continue to accept German policy. In essence, the issue is about German participation in counterinsurgency operations. To continue current policy undermines Germany's military credibility among allied partners and restrains Germany's ability to utilize fully military power as an instrument of policy. This article argues that while military force in recent years has become an integral part of German foreign policy to pursue national interests, political decision‐makers in Berlin and the broader German public will still have to come to terms with the reality of a new security environment in Afghanistan. For the German government the ‘small war’ in northern Afghanistan is a very politically exhausting undertaking. Both politically and militarily Germany seems ill‐prepared to sustain such an operation. Its political and strategic culture still promotes an aversion to involvement in war‐fighting. In addition, the government and the Bundeswehr lack vital strategy‐making capabilities. Still, there are indicators that the changing operational reality in Afghanistan might lead to a significant evolution of the German approach to the use of force.     

论20世纪20年代的日本裁军运动

近代日本政府一直奉行"富国强兵"政策,把扩军备战置于优先考虑的地位,使日本军事实力在20世纪初达到西方强国的水平,并能直接挑战西方国家的霸权.但日本的军备扩充受国内外因素的制约,并不是简单地沿着直线上升.20世纪20年代日本出现了颇具规模的裁军运动,这是第一次世界大战以后日本国内和平反战力量的兴起、日本经济对美国的高度依赖和美、英等国在远东寻求新的力量均衡等多种因素促成的.     

Nuclear free New Zealand and rogernomics: The survival of a labour government

New Zealand's fourth Labour government, elected to power in 1984, has become known most generally for two of its policies: a refusal to accept nuclear warships in New Zealand waters, and the vigour and consistency with which it has pursued market orientated economic policies. A post‐election near‐national survey of 1013 respondents is employed to measure the extent to which the two policies may have aided Labour's re‐election in 1987. Contrary to most interpretation hitherto, we find that defence and economic policy opinion were at least of equal importance. But there is further evidence to indicate that defence policy opinion was the more important It is concluded that the expression of “post‐materialist” values through anti‐nuclear politics may have perversely allowed a new materialism to conquer New Zealand politics.     

The defence dilemma in Britain

The UK faces a pressing defence dilemma. The declaratory goals of defence policy are struggling to match the demands made by operational commitments and the financial and organizational capacities. The article examines how and why this situation has come about. While recognizing that existing calls for higher defence spending, reform of the Ministry of Defence, efficiency gains or a renewal of the so‐called military covenant between the military and society may address discrete elements of the defence dilemma in Britain, it argues that current problems derive from a series of deeper tensions in the nexus of British defence more widely defined. These include a transnationalization of strategic practice, in ways that both shape and constrain the national defence policy process; the institutional politics of defence itself, which encourage different interpretations of interest and priority in the wider strategic context; and finally the changing status of defence in the wider polity, which introduces powerful veto points into the defence policy process itself. It argues that while a series of shocks may have destabilized existing policy, prompted ad hoc organizational adaptation in the armed forces and led to incremental cost saving measures from the government, a ‘dominant crisis narrative’—in the form of a distinctive and generally agreed programme of change—has yet to emerge. The article concludes by looking forward to a future strategic defence review, highlighting the critical path dependencies and veto points which must be addressed if transformative change in British defence is to take place.     

战后日本政府“解释改宪”历史过程评述

战后日本宪法因其第九条规定而被称为"和平宪法"。长期以来,日本政府通过"解释改宪"的方式,不仅使日本突破了和平宪法所规定的"不保持战力"等限制,而且在军事实力上获得了巨大的发展,并将以"专守防卫"为任的自卫队派往了海外。通过政府对宪法第九条进行的扩大解释,战后日本在国家发展方向上偏离了和平宪法确立的和平主义宗旨与原则。     

"小泉神话"与日本政治的转型

小泉纯一郎作为近20年来执政时间最长的首相,在日本政坛刮起了一股强劲的“小泉旋风”,或者说带来了“小泉神话”。人们一度曾相信自民党从此将获得“新生”。但好景不常,小泉内阁很快就显露出“末期政权”的症状。小泉的高支持率已成为昨日黄花。这4年来,日本政治发生了深刻的转型。延续半个多世纪的政坛格局、传统政治模式都在酝酿着和正在进行着有可能是脱胎换骨的变化。这是新世纪日本在寻求新的国家定位和国家战略必然伴随的现象,需要引起人们的密切注意。     

冷战后的日本共产党

本文总结了冷战后日本共产党理论路线调整的具体内容,阐释了日本共产党选举业绩的波动状况及原因,并指出日本共产党的政治在21世纪初期政党政治的演变中具有不可或缺的意义。     

近代台湾水利工程--以嘉南大圳为例

日本占据台湾后,为了满足本国粮食与糖类的需要,也为侵华战争提供粮食支持,加紧扶持台湾的农业生产。对此,日辖台湾总督府多次颁布有关农业发展的政策并采取一系列措施。在推广优质品种、实行强制性农会组织后,总督府逐渐将重点放到完善和修筑水利工程上。由于原有埤圳模式缺点的暴露以及政府期望更有力地控制公共资源,日辖台湾总督府开始实施官修埤圳政策。台南州的嘉南大圳正是这一时期的代表。