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20世纪70年代农药污染防治工作的转型及其历史意义 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
《当代中国史研究》2017,(4)
20世纪70年代,中国农药污染防治工作完成了一次转型。其间,农药污染防治重心从显性污染转向隐性污染;防治理念从生产安全和劳动卫生转向环境保护;对防治手段的认识,从忽视转为强调综合运用非化学植保手段防治农药污染。中国农药污染防治工作的转型具有重要历史意义,开辟了农药污染防治工作的新局面,确立了现代农药污染防治工作的基本格局,为世界环保事业做出了贡献。 相似文献
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防治工业污染是中国环境保护工作的重点。与过去相比,中国的工业污染防治策略目前正在发生重大变化,从最终处理到源头和总过程控制,从浓度控制到总和浓度控制的结合,再到点源处理到流域的逐步过渡。治理从简单的公司治理变为协调产业结构、清洁生产和发展循环经济。本文就工业污染防治技术管理与政策进行了详细分析。 相似文献
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西藏生态环境保护面面观 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
西藏的环境保护事业,经过多年不懈的努力,在环境法制建设、生态环境保护与建设、污染治理、科研监测和环保教育等方面都取得了长足进步,有效地促进了西藏经济、社会和环境的协调发展。 相似文献
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近年来,随着经济社会的快速发展,公众对环境保护的关注度越来越高,国家也相继出台了一系列推进经济与环境相协调、促进可持续发展的政策,治理环境污染将成为未来经济社会发展中的重要一步.因环境污染具有跨区域特性,仅依靠单一行政区域的单独治理很难解决污染跨区域问题,所以打破行政区划界限,采取区域联防联治,不仅是构建环境污染一体化... 相似文献
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环境污染纠纷是一种民事侵权行为,对环境污染纠纷的处理由环境保护行政主管部门或者其他依照法律规定行使环境监督管理权的部门处理。当事人对裁决不服,可以向人民法院提起民事诉讼。环境行政调解弥补了法律诉讼的缺陷,节约了司法资源,容易让民众接受,对环境污染纠纷的处理起到了积极的作用,需要大胆创新,不断完善环境纠纷的行政调解制度。 相似文献
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中国现代化进程中的生态困境 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中国在建设社会主义现代化的进程中,对环境保护做了很多有益的尝试,但依然而临着严峻的生态困境。各种类型的自然灾害、重大环境污染和生态破坏事件频发;随着城市化进程的不断加快,城市所面临的环境危机也日益凸显;环境保护的政策与治理虽有改进,但进展缓慢,中国生态恢复和环境保护的前景不容乐观。为此,必须转变经济发展方式,实现经济、社会和环境的协调发展。 相似文献
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随着我国经济发展步伐的加快,环境污染问题也日益严重,而我国现行环境税费制度存在较多问题,不能很好地起到防治污染、保护环境的作用。本文在分析我国设立环境税的价值基础上,探讨了我国环境税收方面存在的诸多问题并提出相关法律对策。 相似文献
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贵州省的城市生态环境问题 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
本文以贵阳等九座城市为例,从城市的自然环境和人类活动影响两方面,探讨贵州城市的生态,环境问题,以及协调人地矛盾的主要对策。全文分为以下三大部分:首先探讨城市的自然环境特征,说明贵州城市的形态结构,水土资源及城市扩展均受"喀斯特"环境的制约,其生态环境极为脆弱。表现在水土资源贫乏,平地少又很分散,地形封闭,旱涝和地貌灾害频繁等。第二论述城市的生态环境问题:以煤烟性空气污染,水体有机污染和交通噪声污染为主。SO2的污染极为严重,酸雨污染,城市河段及湖(库)污染普遍存在;4/5的城市交通噪声超过国家标准;1/2城市区域环境噪声污染严重。最后提出重建城市生态环境的主要对策。 相似文献
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Richard Hyman 《对极》2001,33(3):468-483
This contribution considers the implications for industrial relations of European economic integration, and possible trade union responses. We can understand industrial relations as institutions and processes of social regulation of work and employment, whether by law, collective bargaining or more diffuse norms and standards (often, a combination of all three). These systems of worker protection became consolidated at national level; their foundations are eroded by increasing economic internationalisation (to which the European single market was a response, but which it further reinforced). Through the dynamic of "regime competition", multinational capital can play off national governments and national trade unions against one another, while norms of worker protection are subverted by growing insistence on "shareholder value". Effective regulation of work and employment must be reconstructed transnationally; but most trade union energy has been devoted to a vain pursuit of European analogues of national legislation and collective agreements within a bureaucratic elite process of "social dialogue". What is needed is, first, effective articulation between European-level trade union action and the day-to-day realities of national and workplace trade unionism, and second, a struggle to create a European civil society within which the protection of workers' rights can win popular support and which can sustain effective collective mobilisation. 相似文献
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AbstractIn the 25 years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, sweeping political, economic, and social changes have profoundly influenced environmental protection in Russia, the world’s largest country and one of global importance with respect to natural resources, biodiversity conservation, wilderness preservation, and climate change mitigation. This paper reviews the state of the environment by assessing post-Soviet era changes to legislation, government regulatory institutions, and civil society. A gulf exists between Russia’s formal environmental laws and state agency capacity and interest in enforcing them. This stems, in part, from repeated bureaucratic reorganizations that have progressively eroded environmental institutions. The Russian environmental movement, which blossomed during Gorbachev’s reforms in the late 1980s, struggled in the 1990s to mobilize the broader public due to economic hardship and political instability. Since then, the Putin administration has labeled many environmental groups “anti-Russian” and used aggressive tactics such as raiding NGO offices, intimidating journalists, and instituting severe legislative measures to quash advocacy and dissent. Post-Soviet environmental successes have been relatively few, with expansion of the protected area system and forest certification notable exceptions. These successes can partially be attributed to efforts by large environmental organizations, but expansion of certification and corporate social responsibility is also tied to Russian business interests dependent on natural resource export to global markets increasingly sensitive to environmental concerns. The paper concludes by illustrating how corruption, poor enforcement, and the muzzling of civil society render the state incapable of resolving arguably its most significant environmental challenge: illegal and unregulated resource use. 相似文献
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《Journal of Historical Geography》2005,31(1):134-148
The paper consciously ranges beyond the major legislative ‘milestones’ of increasing environmental concern to focus on the circumstances in which the Public Health (Coal Mine Refuse) Bills of 1939 were promoted and enacted, as an illustration of the range of strategies deployed by central and local government, and trade associations, in allaying criticisms of the effects of atmospheric pollution. ‘Bing’ is a Nordic word meaning heap, often used to describe the spoil left by mineral working. There was increasing protest in the 1930s as to the damage caused to public health and amenity by the spontaneous combustion of such colliery wastes. The knowledge and understanding gained by the ‘expert’ Alkali Inspectorate in extinguishing and preventing such fires enabled ministers to claim an ‘administrative’ response would suffice, namely of working with industry in curbing such pollution. Members of Parliament and local authorities, exploiting such local instances as the ‘burning bing’ of the Cardowan Colliery, pressed for legislation. It required an exogenous factor, namely the civil-defence precautions taken against enemy bombers, to force industrial interests to concede, at least temporarily, the feasibility of more comprehensive action in suppressing and preventing such fires. Post-war technological advances enabled such concession to become permanent. Beyond the immediate improvement to the physical environment, such mid-century experience caused an increasing array of interests to engage with issues that came closely to be associated with ‘an environmental revolution’ around 1970. 相似文献
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本文在测算2004—2017年区域层面全要素生产率指数基础上,运用双重差分法全面考察了地方政府环境立法对于全要素生产率的影响。研究发现:中国整体全要素生产率面临严峻的下滑,尤其在2009—2014生产面全要素生年间更加明显,且东中西部区域间TFP指数分布情况在空间上呈“非线性”特征。地方环境立法对地方全要素生产率具有显著的促进作用,然而过度的环境规制措施却不能显著推动经济质量的提升、实现波特效应。 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(5):547-563
A Chinese economist and U.S.-based economic geographer investigate China's move toward introducing "greener" measures of economic output to better assess the environmental costs associated with the country's recent economic development. More specifically, the authors applied a model of green gross regional product (GGRP) that adjusts for the costs of growth arising from negative environmental externalities. They then conduct a spatial analysis of the indicator's distribution across China's provinces in 2007 in an attempt to better understand the factors explaining its patterns. The analysis indicates that once environmental externalities in the form of industrial wastes are accounted for, the coastal—inland divide that traditionally describes China's geography of income inequality is much less obvious. Rather a more diffuse pattern emerges, in which some poor provinces are found to be relatively efficient regional producers whereas certain wealthier ones are not. 相似文献
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德意志帝国时期,快速工业化进程使得劳工问题日渐突出,德意志帝国政府采取"立法"与"行政"手段对劳工问题进行了全面调节,形成了比较系统的劳工问题调节机制。德意志帝国对劳工问题的调节,缓解了社会矛盾,对德国经济、政治、社会的整体协调发展产生了持久而深刻的影响。 相似文献
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生态税收是政府通过对破坏生态环境的行为(生产行为和消费行为)征收相应数量的税收,用于环境保护的投资或对保护环境的行为的税收支出,以保持生态平衡的一种税收体系。中国日趋严峻的生态环境、生态税制的缺位、可持续发展战略的实现以及提高公民环保意识迫切要求构建我国的生态税收体系。因此,制定完备的《生态税法》;改革旧税种,创立新税种完善税收体系;奖惩并重、税收征收与支出并举,就成为构建我国生态税制的基本思路。 相似文献