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Prevailing beliefs about executive representation tend to rely on implicit assumptions that are not carefully examined. I argue that there is confusion regarding both the type of representative role adopted by presidents, and the legitimacy of the representative role of the executive. Presidents are often associated with the "virtual" form of representation, which is consistent with the symbolic role of the president, but the fact that the president, as an elected official, satisfies the requirements of an actual representative is overlooked. Identifying and distinguishing the representative roles in the executive demonstrates the conflict between the two. The institution links the executive with a very large, heterogeneous constituency, requiring presidents to address individual interests, while at the same time endowing the office with national leadership qualities that call for attention to a broader, national interest. An examination of executive representation demonstrates the structural nature of both representative roles, which, while not easily reconciled, are fundamental institutional characteristics.  相似文献   

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This study presents an analysis of various facets of inequality in Egypt using a political economy approach to understand how inequalities are reproduced in the Egyptian economy. It examines the drivers of income and wealth inequality, and the impact of uneven taxation. The paper highlights how the mismeasurement of top incomes can skew the measurement of inequality, and shows how Egypt has one of the biggest wealth gaps in the world. It investigates educational, gender, and healthcare inequalities and how they are reproduced across generations. The paper also highlights the disparity between urban and rural areas, which further contributes to inequality. It assesses why economic growth in Egypt has had limited success in reducing poverty and inequality, and analyzes how state and military interference in markets hampers the growth of the private sector. The paper concludes by examining how inequality, combined with a number of challenges that Egypt is facing, including increased authoritarianism, climate change, demographic pressures, and water security will likely exacerbate many of the country’s socioeconomic and political problems. Overall, the study argues that inequality remains a key concern that, if left unaddressed, may lead to social unrest and instability in the long term.  相似文献   

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In the Sudan, where 200,000 children can die from diseases like diarrhoea and measles in a ‘normal’ year, the toll jumped to somewhere between 350,000 and 700,000 [in 1984]; in the next twelve months one million more could die — out of a total child population of only 6 million. UNICEF estimates that over six million sub-Saharan infants and children are endangered by famine.  相似文献   

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清代史馆的人员设置与管理机制   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
清代史馆是中国古代官方修史机构发展的最后阶段,它们充分吸收此前历朝设馆修史的经验,在人员设置、组织管理等方面都有着较为完善的制度。在人员设置上,各史馆之间相互参照,按分工不同分为管理人员、纂修人员、佐修人员和勤杂人员四大类。在人员组成上,汉人、满人等都占一定的比例,纂修人员具有很大的流动性。在管理上,清代史馆已经形成了一套行之有效的管理机制,制定史馆规章,建立考勤考绩制度,严格奖惩制度,提高了修史效率。同时,清代史馆在管理上也存在很多缺陷。  相似文献   

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李恒 《史学理论研究》2013,(1):36-45,158
安克斯密特的历史表现理论与叙事实体理论一脉相承,都是历史学家构建的某种叙事性解释。历史表现理论认为,历史文本是对过去实在的一种模仿,是人们认识过去的一个途径。但在认识过去的过程中,由于手段逐渐成为目的,历史表象与历史本体的边界便模糊了。为了避免历史本体的消解,历史表现理论要求历史表现既要与历史本体相似,又要与之保持距离,这就使之陷入两难境地。安克斯密特认为,历史表现继承了叙事实体的整体性和实体性,是客观世界的真实存在,他强调表现与被表现者在本体论上的地位是相等的,甚至本体的存在和对于本体的认识均有赖于其表象。这超出了人们惯常接受的认识论范围,使历史研究者不必再为恢复历史的原有面貌而煞费苦心。  相似文献   

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唐仕春 《历史研究》2012,(3):161-171,192
1914年,袁世凯政府将清末以来陆续设置的地方审判厅裁撤三分之二,初级审判厅全部裁并。①该事件"几欲举司法而根本推翻之",②被当作中国推行新法制过程中的一大逆流,③成为此后整个民国时期司法与行政不分的背景,以及初级审判组织迟迟无法建立的源头。从江庸等亲历者的回顾,到当前韩秀桃、吴永明、李超、李在全等学者的论著,都涉及这一近代法制  相似文献   

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Abstract

The word risk is often used in association with energy production and in some case it is equated with consequences. The distinction is important and has implications for the study of energy system. Failure in a given energy system, such as nuclear power or hydroelectric dams, can give rise to human consequences, such a deaths, injuries or disease. The extent of these consequences varies from one system to another. Furthermore, the probability of such failures is a characteristic of the given system. For example, a nuclear reactor or hydroelectric dam may have a probability of one catastrophic failure in x years of operation where x is a large number. The probability multiplied by the number of deaths, injuries and illnesses caused by the failures—the consequences—can be taken as a measure of the risk, or risk index.  相似文献   

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This essay argues for the moral necessity of retaining connections between the practices of representation and the ideal of authenticity. Using the example of racial representation, the author finds in the political philosophy of Charles Taylor and the cultural criticism of George Steiner resources for engaging in a creative dialogue with the history of our own tradition.  相似文献   

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晚清局所与清末政体变革   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
晚清局所适内忧外患之变局而出现,为平定战乱与善后、筹措赔款的应急措施。成同以后局所膨胀与捐纳、保举泛滥及行政新事务的扩展相交织,形成了由督抚掌控的非正式行政机构,造成了官与差、名义与实权相分离的局面,加剧了吏治腐败与财政困窘。清廷三令五申裁撤而未能显效,客观上削弱了其分权制衡的掌控力。局所泛滥的乱象背后,既隐伏着各级政府对社会变动下既有政体结构与职能如何调整的角力,同时也掩盖了局所在接引新知与发展新兴事业方面曾起过的重要推动作用。丙午官制改革与清理财政,以司道改制的方式归并局所功能,使之纳入职官体制,直省行政由此根本改变。  相似文献   

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