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Abderrahman Zouhir 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2015,24(2):283-302
The Sudan, as it stands today, has clearly and definitely failed to form a united country. It has been involved in an internecine civil war. The war has not merely been a war of resistance against economic marginalization of the south, but one of racial or ethnic resistance to the dominant discourse in the north which lays claim to being racially and culturally superior. The violent political conflict that led to the secession of southern Sudan and the ongoing conflicts in some parts of the Sudan are legacies of the past. These legacies cannot be understood unless the tensions are placed in historical, political, and educational perspectives. This article attempts to describe Sudanese language policy and show its complexity, arbitrariness, and fluctuation. It aims to engage with issues of hegemony, language ideology, identity conflict, power asymmetries, and social inequality in language policy in the Sudan. The Arabic language has acquired dominant status while other languages have been marginalized in the process. This article also considers the historical diffusion of Arab identity and analyzes the relevance of the latter for civil conflicts and the cessation of the South. Finally, it closes with a discussion of the present day situation in Sudan and provides some critical reflections. 相似文献
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RACHEL D. HUTCHINS 《Nations & Nationalism》2011,17(1):211-212
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Modernity and the Other Woman: Gender and National Identity in the Egyptian Women's Press: 1952–1967
Laura Bier 《Gender & history》2004,16(1):99-112
This article looks at depictions of non‐Egyptian women in the Egyptian women's press during the Nasser period, from 1952–1967. A regular and recurring feature of the Egyptian women's press during the 1950s and 1960s, representations of foreign women were products of both global and local struggles. Enabled by a world order increasingly transformed by the political voices of colonial and post‐colonial subjects, such representations were also bound up in Egyptian debates about gender subjectivities, the consequences of state and nation building, and the boundaries of national identity. While they can be read as contributing to the creation of what Chandra Mohanty has called ‘an imagined community of third world oppositional struggles’, they also suggest much about how the liberating, emancipatory possibilities of post‐colonial/anti‐imperialist projects limit their own possibility for realisation. 相似文献
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Mercedes Carbayo‐Abengzar 《Nations & Nationalism》2001,7(1):75-92
In my article I show how a very particular identity was created for women during the period of Franco's Spain. I will draw upon a varied range of materials from official discourses, particularly the Sección Femenina (the women's branch of Falange); the Álvarez Enciclopedia and other texts such as songs, poems and the popular press. Following Foucault (1980: 30) I analyse an identity based on oppressive discourses whose power ‘reaches into the very grain of individuals, touches their bodies and inserts itself into their actions and attitudes, their discourses, learning process and everyday life’. The nationalistic stress of this discourse is one that encourages women to create a new image of Spanish femininity that should be ‘different’ from the liberated portrayal of women coming from Europe, mainly through the path of growing tourism. The language of these discourses is somehow baroque, elaborated, energetic and highly dramatic. It tries to seek attention through an unnecessary and badly misorientated dramatism. It is cryptic and manipulative and claims to be poetical, but its main intention is to confine women indoors and to make them look at the world through the curtains or from a closed window. On the other hand it made women feel they were the representation of a unique matriarchal nationalism making them appear as the heroines of an essentialist national metaphor: women mothers of the nation. Inherent in Franco's equation of women = femininity = nation is a contradiction that defines women as ‘indoor heroines’ and bases nationalism in a naturalised representation of gender where women are a gendered representation of this nationalism. 相似文献
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《Iranian studies》2012,45(2):275-279
This article sets forth a history (with literary-textual focus) of the Iranian mythological Snake-man, from the earliest Vedic and Avestan evidence, down to Ferdowsi. The continuous development of the myth in Iran is accompanied by changes in the monster's name, which show linguistic reassociations, while a constant in all of this is the figure's representation as an inimical outsider. The Vedic name of the brute's fortification, the background of which in etymology and realia will be shown to be the pre-Aryan Bactria-Margiana Archeological Complex, finds a clear but hitherto unobserved correlation in Pahlavi. This illuminates the Indo-Iranian antiquity of the myth in terms of prehistoric inter-ethnic rivalries. 相似文献
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荒井茂夫 《华侨华人历史研究》2007,(2):23-35
为了客观反映马来西亚华人在语言和认同等领域的现状,采用问卷调查的方法,通过基本数据材料的分析,探讨了当今马来西亚吉隆坡、古晋、吧巴和诗巫等地的华人认同情况.在语言方面,华人子弟在小学阶段大致打好华语基础,同时保持华人认同.在日常生活中,华语和华人方言的使用占优势,但在商业和职业范围,马来语和英语的使用率有所增加.经济生活方面,华人发扬了传统的奋斗精神,贡献于国民经济的发展.政治认同方面,华人对马来西亚的认同,远远高于对中国等其它对象的认同.结果显示:华人既保持华人性而又能动地适应国民规范;华人以民族语言维持传统文化的族群社会功能,扮演着国家社会发展的重要角色,在这一过程中,华人形成了本身的"华人文化圈"并进一步孕育着华人文化的发展与创新. 相似文献
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Patrick Ryan 《Folklore》2013,124(3):313-328
This paper looks at the self-representation of contemporary or revival storytellers claiming “Celtic” identity for themselves as storytellers, largely based on imagined traits of generic “Celtic” storytellers and storytelling styles, and content, which are conveyed via commercial images, suppositions about the Romantic era, and other mediated, second-hand or even erroneous sources. At the same time, such representations are compared with the self-representations of three traditional storytellers from Ireland and Scotland. 相似文献
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《Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies》2013,37(2):208-225
AbstractTwo issues are addressed here: the status of Byzantine autobiography and the state of Byzantine literary culture in its last years. Autobiographical information was mostly a device used at all levels of Byzantine literature for immediacy, emphasis and to suggest personal involvement. It continued to function in this way in the last years of Byzantium, but there was also a degree of experimentation, as it extended its range into satire and comedy and, in the hands of Theodore Agallianos evolved from the rhetoric of apologia into fully-fledged autobiography. 相似文献
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《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(4):281-303
Medievalists turn to Guibert of Nogent's Memoirs (1116) for the account of the Laon uprising they contain. And yet this account is poor history. It is didactic and self-righteous in tone; one senses that the writer consistently sacrificed historical truth to the moral point he was trying to make. Scratch this twelfth- century ‘historian’ and you will find underneath a guilt-ridden cleric, haunted by vivid sexual reminiscences of his mother and by the terrible chastening reality of the Virgin Mary. A sensitive reading of the confessional sections of the Memoirs may yield up crucial unconscious impulses in a medieval man's psyche: his ‘masculine’ ambitions for glory, his need to prove his manhood, and yet also his ‘feminine’ desire for selfless submission to God, and his need to achieve a kind of passive holiness and innocence. These opposing impulses may account for the ‘demon’ that tortured Guibert of Nogent.After isolating certain psychological themes in the Memoirs it is possible to relate these themes to various nuances in the psychological ‘milieu’ of twelfth-century France. It is also possible to relate some of these themes to a ‘milieu’ not altogether different from that of twelfth-century France — twentieth-century southern Italy. For in southern Italy, we find that the psychological relationship between masculinity and femininity and (perhaps as a result of this relationship) the prominence of the Virgin Mary in the lives of the people corresponds closely to the situation in twelfth- century France. But this cross-cultural analysis is meant only to illuminate some of the possibilities of psychohistory. At the very least, a psychohistorical consideration of a text such as Guibert of Nogent's Memoirs should reveal some useful correlations between the single psychological current and the larger tides of cultural history. 相似文献
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Derek Peterson 《The Journal of religious history》1999,23(1):31-50
Much of the literature on missionaries and translation in colonial Africa has tended to view missionary or colonial authored texts (Bibles, dictionaries, and grammars in particular) as instruments through which foreign ways of thinking were imposed upon unsuspecting Africans. In a detailed comparison of two Gikuyu dictionaries—one authored by an Anglican missionary and the other by a Presbyterian missionary some ten years later—this article locates significant contradictions in meanings, particularly in words associated with religion and authority. By situating these contradictions within the social history of early twentieth-century Gikuyuland, the author is able to demonstrate that these contradictions are not "mistakes"; rather, such inconsistencies evidence the complex ontological and political debates provoked out of early evangelistic activity. For the author, who draws theoretical insight from Homi Bhabha and M. M. Bakhtin, mission texts like dictionaries are fundamentally dialogical, the product of sustained and contentious conversations between missionaries and African interlocutors. Thus, they not only shaped Gikuyu life, as earlier scholarship contended, but were profoundly shaped bycontemporary Gikuyu debates over religion, power, and authority. 相似文献
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none 《Textile history》2013,44(1):103-118
AbstractTextile fibre aggregates can be extracted from the leaves of Phormium tenax (New Zealand flax), a plant endemic to New Zealand and Norfolk Island. This research note, which was developed from N. M. Cruthers' Masters thesis, aims to review early trade between Māori and western settlers to New Zealand, the industrial development of a mechanised extraction industry and to examine reported reasons for failure of the industry. Hand extraction by Māori produced low volumes of fibre but traditional end uses were for prized cultural items. In comparison, fibre produced industrially was produced in high volume and was intended for commonplace items such as rope and sacking. 相似文献